1 Introduction

The purpose of this study is to conceptualize hope as a virtue of communal value within a high-adversity context, expanding the current dominant psychological framework of hope theory (Snyder, 2002). Ithemba is the isiZulu word for hope. This qualitative study investigated the lived experiences and meaning construction of ithemba among exemplars of ithemba/hope in a South African township. This study conceptualized ithemba/hope through qualitative participant-driven data while comparing it to the prominent research paradigm.

Hope has historically been studied as a virtue in philosophical and theological writings for millennia (Snow, 2018; Tanesini, 2021). However, the current scientific conceptualization of hope (hope theory) assumes a cognitive-motivational process based on personal experiences. Thus, it does not adequately address hope that transcends circumstances or is communal in nature or benefits the surrounding community. A virtuous definition of hope would align with how humanity has historically conceptualized it. For example, Aquinas organized virtues hierarchically and placed hope as one of three transcendent virtues.

Character is understood to be context-specific (Lerner, 2018) and communal (Narvaez, 2008). Thus, virtuous hope cannot be studied in a vacuum, nor can it be divorced from the human drive for the betterment of one’s community. Just as courage exemplars might be salient in war times, it is especially relevant to study ithemba/hope in a context of high adversity. Thus, a qualitative study on moral exemplars in a community scarred by apartheid, economic inequality, and multiple pandemics is especially relevant to conceptualizing hope. This paper uses “ithemba” and “hope” interchangeably to reflect the multicultural iterative methodological process. This qualitative study operates from the framework that psychological science in African and non-Western nations must not produce knowledge from point zero (Makhubela, 2016). It is valuable to acknowledge the interconnection of all human knowledge and that even the current Western knowledge has African roots (Makhubela, 2016). Therefore, the multicultural research team utilized existing scientific frameworks while gleaning insights from exemplars of ithemba in a South African Zulu township.

2 Current Science of Hope

Hope theory has generated the most empirical research on hope in modern-day psychology. Pioneered by Snyder (1991), hope has been studied empirically as a cognitive-motivational process. This theory explains that hopeful thinking comprises two goal-directed processes (a) agency and (b) pathways (i.e., the will to change and the ways to get there). According to this theory, hopeful thinking requires both a goal-directed will (agency) and the generation of multiple routes forward (pathways; Snyder et al., 2002). In this model, emotions follow cognitions and provide feedback for future goal pursuits (Rand & Touza, 2021; Snyder et al., 2002). For example, devising a plan for success and engaging in each step forward fosters positive motivating emotions that propel the individual forward. The theory posits that actions and emotions create an iterative feedback process influencing hope. Progress and success increase hope. In contrast, repeated failures can result in a loss of hope (Rand & Cheavens, 2009). Data on Hope Theory in South Africa found that levels of hope were significantly related to power status, with rural participants having significantly lower levels than urban participants, females scoring lower than males, and ethnicities of privilege having higher hope (Boyce & Harris, 2013). An operational definition of hope that overlaps with social status might inadvertently be measuring success and opportunity.

Hope theory has generated much research, particularly seeing hope as a precursor to positive outcomes. Higher levels of hope predict better psychological adjustment, better physical well-being, and more robust academic and work performance (Rand & Touza, 2021). For example, studies among students found hope predictive of academic success in cross-sectional (Dixon et al., 2017) and longitudinal studies (Fraser et al., 2021). Based on hope theory’s current operational definition, a person with malevolent intentions could have high hope even if their goals were to harm others and pursue self-promotion as long as they have a well-developed sense of agency and can demonstrate persistence in develo** paths towards their (selfish or anti-social) goal (see Shorey et al., 2002). Some research has correlated hope with prosocial and relational variables (Fraser, 2021; Rand & Touza, 2021), but its framework inadequately explains how hope emerges from adverse circumstances, or how it could function as a moral virtue (i.e., something inherently good and beneficial to others/the community; Jubilee Centre, 2017). Peterson & Seligman (2004) included hope as one of their 24 VIA character strengths and had detailed criteria for including each strengths, such as “morally valued” and “does not harm others”. However, its measurement operational definition centers positive expectations of the future and could still presumably apply to self-centered goals. Additionally, not all of the 24 VIA strengths are classified as moral virtues. Peterson & Seligman (2004) intentionally conflate hope with optimism and future-mindedness and openly suggest that their definition masks internal heterogeneity.

Positive youth development (PYD) research has found hopeful future expectations to be positively related to supportive parent-child relationships (Callina et al., 2014) and well-being (Kadir & Mohd, 2021). A meta-analysis of predictors of hope among youth found that the highest predictors were positive affect, life satisfaction, optimism, self-esteem, and social support (Yarcheski & Mahon, 2016). Except for social support, the meta-analysis is consistent with the individualistic benefits of hope. A follow-up meta-analysis found that peer support was better at predicting adolescent hope than parental support (Mahon & Yarcheski, 2017).

A review of the empirical literature on hope (including but not limited to hope theory; Scioli 2020) summarized that hope has been studied empirically as a mindset and a buffer to stress. However, philosophers and theologians (e.g. Aquinas) have long studied hope as rooted in relationships and faith. Sciloi critiques the current understanding of hope as over-representing a worldview of the “self-made man” that emphasizes a personal mastery-directed approach (Scioli, 2020). Positive psychology in particular has been criticized for imposing western individualism on the majority world (Kristjásson, 2013). A recent qualitative study with South African children noted the central role of community flourishing and the role of hope as a character virtue that is both stimulated by the community and for the common good (Cherrington, 2018). That study emphasized the importance of both existing frameworks and indigenous conceptualizations of hope, particularly those adopting an Africentric lens acknowledging the sociopolitical context and the organic interdependence of communities (Cherrington, 2018).

It would also be mistaken to believe that there is a “pure Zulu” ithemba/hope definition. Through the influence of the internet, TV, and smartphones, most people have access to many perspectives outside their immediate cultural setting (e.g., Nigerian televangelists and American social media influencers). This qualitative research aims at understanding an indigenous definition of hope, but linguistic constructs are always alive and embedded within broader globalized contexts. The current study seeks to operationally define hope through the eyes of moral exemplars so that the emerging definition might more closely resemble virtuous hope/ithemba.

3 Hope as a Virtue for Social Change

Brazilian educational theorist Paulo Freire explains that people hope not because they have succeeded in the past but because it is a moral imperative that drives social change (Freire, 2014). Philosophers have long written about hope as a virtue, and more recent writings have specifically categorized it as a civic virtue because of how it sustains collective identities and actions (Snow, 2018; Tanesini, 2021). Nancy Snow’s conceptualization of hope is embedded in shared cultural narratives, such as immigrants’ dreams of democracy and opportunity. According to philosopher Alessandra Tanesini (2021), when we hope, we pre-experience what we desire, which provides emotional scaffolding to persevere. Tanesini argues that a community’s shared memories and collective hopes are similar because they are both exercises of the imagination, one in the past (memories) and one in the future (hope). Thus, hope is a fundamental part of develo** strong, caring communities. The PYD framework has suggested that hope is composed of self-regulation skills, connectedness, and positive future expectations, and these have strong theoretical ties to Contribution, a civic virtue (Callina, et al., 2015).

Tanesini (2021), Freire (2014), and Snow (2013) discuss hope as part of human creativity that provides people with the energy to persevere. Humans’ creative imperative is part of the virtue of ithemba/hope because it empowers people toward positive social action. The current science of hope helps explain individual success but does not adequately explain communal goal pursuits or relational sources of hope. For example, the dominant theory does not adequately explain a teacher or parent sacrificing for the hope of a child’s future or how hope can be strengthened through adversity or benefiting others. Virtue and moral science, in contrast, continuously emphasize the importance of social interactions and behaviors that benefit the broader community (Lerner, 2018; Narvaez, 2008; Thomas et al., 2022).

It is empirically relevant to study positive outliers who can elucidate a path forward and guide future operational definitions. According to Damon & Colby (2013), moral exemplars can portray moral creativity and contextually confront unjust and immoral narratives in a reflective and ongoing intellectual process. Exemplars reveal the range of morality and set an inspirational direction for future pursuits of moral science. In line with virtue researchers (Fowers, 2021), the current study assumes individual differences and internal person-level coherency (i.e. some people do have higher levels of moral virtues than others). Thus, it is possible (and appropriate) to utilize moral exemplars to conceptualize the virtue of ithemba/hope. Studying virtues or moral exemplars requires the disclosure and awareness of personal values. Researchers should openly reveal value commitments so these can be questioned and challenged (Fowers, 2022). The authors of this study posit that ithemba/hope is a virtue that is inherently good and necessary for social change, and irrelevant without adversity. Thus, ithemba/hope exemplars intentionally foster this virtue, center it around personal values, and have a record of habitually ho**. The current study of ithemba/hope exemplars in a socioeconomic context of adversity aims to deepen the psychological construct of hope.

4 Socio-historical Context & Current Study

This study takes place in a peri-urban community outside of Pietermaritzburg, South Africa. This township was historically reserved for non-whites, a long-lasting effect of apartheid. Due to pervasive unemployment, racial segregation, and lack of opportunities, many people must move to the city for jobs, leaving family or children. This location (Vulindlela, Kwa-Zulu Natal) has the highest HIV infection rate in the world (Dwyer-Lindgren, 2019; Kharsany et al., 2018) and has left many children orphaned.

The study of hope in a context of high inequality and systemic injustices is of particular conceptual interest because this context tests the optimistic limits of the goals and pathways of people with high adversity (Boyce & Harris, 2013). South Africa has the highest GINI score of all included countries (World Bank, 2014), and record levels of income inequality (IMF, 2020) which undermines social cohesion (Khambule & Siswana, 2017). In this setting, people with little financial resources live adjacent to affluence. The lasting structural legacy of apartheid makes it difficult for those in poverty to see the fruits of their labor. Thus, it is relevant to study hope when success is so much more complex than an individual desire to persevere. Lastly, these interviews were conducted in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, which increased health and economic hardship nationally. This area was also affected by political unrest and looting in July 2021, which are symptomatic of low social trust and a grim outlook on the future (Patel, 2021).

5 Methods

5.1 Research Philosophy and Approach

This study is designed with an asset-based approach, assuming that this community has strengths and resources of wisdom to share (Keikelame & Swartz, 2019; Whiting et al., 2012). Existing research has left a gap in understanding the depth of hope in the context of adversity and its utility in hel** others. The current empirical definition of hope is predominantly self-focused and studied in wealthy countries (Snyder, 2002) and has limited evidence for how it can emerge from suffering, persist in adversity, or be used toward the common good (i.e., as a moral virtue). Thus, to construct a deeper understanding of the virtue of ithemba/hope, qualitative research will be used to probe and interpret lived experiences instead of hypothesis testing. For this, researchers must be self-conscious about their role in co-creating and interpreting the phenomenon at hand (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Qualitative interviews are based on the assumption that the interviewer is there to listen and represent reality as the participants see it. The perspective of this study is that all views have an origin and embedded values. Thus, the researchers were careful to ascribe a conscious subjectivity to the process, and actively question their values and assumptions.

6 Participants

Ithemba exemplars were nominated by the leadership and staff of a large local community development non-profit. This organization has worked in the community for 20 years on a wide range of initiatives such as early child development centers, home visitation programs, youth mentoring initiatives, and community gardens, among others. The exemplars were community members, such as successful homestead farmers who endure many environmental challenges, creative entrepreneurs who have built opportunities for others in a difficult financial environment, mothers or grandmothers who have raised children that contribute to their community, and youth mentors who invest their time in upcoming generations. The non-profit nominated individuals embodied the concept of ithemba and demonstrated virtuous qualities despite conditions of repeated hardship. Fourteen participants were invited by the interviewer and 13 were interviewed. One person declined the interview because they were too busy. Participants ranged from 20 to over 75 (exact age uncertain) and various occupations such as farmers, educators, caregivers, and those actively seeking employment. See Table 1.

Table 1 Participant Description
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7 Data Collection, Transcription, Translation

The interviewer was a trusted community figure who shares the same cultural background and language as the interviewees. The interviewer was trusted largely because of their affiliation with a local non-profit, which has been engaged in community organizing and regularly works with the traditional leadership. The interviewer conducted standardized interviews in isiZulu and was trained by a local qualitative researcher to conduct high-quality interviews and qualitative principles such as fidelity and reflexivity. In general, the interviews followed the same format and order, but the interviewee had the freedom to ask follow-up questions as needed. Interviews took between 12 and 64 min, with the average being 39.4 min long. The first one was the shortest and this was perhaps related to the interviewer warming up, but could also be attributed to individual participant differences of succinctness and openness. The same person interviewed all participants and all interviews were included.

All interviews took place within the home/yard of the participant. Interviews were conducted in February of 2022 near the participants’ homes. Safety precautions were taken due to the Covid-19 pandemic. This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board prior to data collection. Participants were told this research is voluntary and confidential and there were no incentives. At the start of the visit, they were reminded the study was voluntary and they could opt-out at any point. Participants provided verbal consent for the interview to be recorded and transcribed without any personal names. Some of the interviews raised emotionally charged events such as stories of high adversity and loss. In those cases, the researcher reminded the participants they did not have to share and could opt-out at any time or not respond to a question. All participants wanted to remain in the study.

The interview started by inviting participants, “Tell me your story.” In the cultural context, this demonstrates a respectful start to a deep conversation and allows the interviewee to introduce themselves and their story in their own words. Other questions include: What does hope mean to you? Do you have any stories, from your life or your family that come into your mind when you think of hope? Describe a time when hope was strongest in your life. The full script and questions are in Supplementary Materials.

The questions were reviewed and translated by a native speaker of isiZulu in Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa, and verified by another researcher fluent in English and isiZulu. A professional South African translator transcribed and translated the interviews to maintain construct integrity. The interviewer reviewed all the transcripts for accuracy and verified their authenticity. An independent person compared the English and isiZulu transcripts for accuracy. The coding was primarily conducted in English, but isiZulu speakers specifically searched the transcripts to verify that ithemba was always translated as hope and vice-versa.

8 Data Analysis Process

After the interviewer had reviewed the translated documents for accuracy and authenticity, English transcriptions were analyzed by a team of undergraduate and graduate students alongside the authors. The isiZulu and English transcripts were also read side-by-side by another bilingual researcher who verified the process.

All names were omitted in the transcription process and analyzed blindly (the coders did not know the interviewees and had no access to names before or after the analysis). Coders only saw the basic demographic information provided in Table 1. Transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis under a constructionist theoretical framework, which explores how participants construct their meaning of the world (Braun & Clark, 2006). The goal is not to produce an objective analysis of the event but instead focus on the individual’s account. The current study also takes the sympathetic stance of interpretation, where the researchers take the participant’s point of view of the participant instead of trying to question their perspective (critical stance).

To best understand how participants defined and embodied the concept of ithemba/hope, we utilized an iterative process using both a theoretical “top-down” process (to draw the wisdom and structure of existing scientific theories), as well as an inductive “bottom-up” process. Both are permitted in a thematic analysis as outlined by Braun and Clark (2006). The multicultural team is vital in de-colonizing the research process (Duden, 2021; Keikelame & Swartz, 2019). The translation and analysis plan establishes authenticity and trustworthiness in the cross-cultural interpretive process and detailed procedural descriptions are in the section below to be transparent about the decision-making process and conform to best practices in the field (Demuth, 2013; Duden, 2021).

9 Analysis and Trustworthiness

Each interview was processed at least twice independently and the analysts got together to discuss each code and any discrepancies until there was consensus and was brought to the larger group to further consensus.The interviewer audited the analysis at the end to verify accuracy and provide another layer of cultural insight and accountability into the authenticity of the themes extracted.

The first round of coding was completed in a theory-driven perspective, looking for areas in which the data aligned with Hope Theory (Snyder, 2002). All coders were well-versed with Hope Theory, having all recently engaged in a systematic literature review on this topic. At least two coders worked on every data item and consistently coded the same parts of the interviews as relevant to Hope Theory. All coders found evidence supporting Hope Theory in all interviews. The initial plan was to sub-code into agency and pathways, consistent with the quantitative measure. However, when attempting to sub-code data items the analysts found low inter-rater consistency. For example, in one story, the interviewee talked about their active role in establishing a community garden. One coder interpreted the story as an example of agency, because the participant expressed a clear focus on an end goal and their initiative to obtain that success. The other coder perceived that story as pathways example because, in context of the story, the garden was a means to the end goal of feeding the community. Hope Theory suggests that agency and pathways are iterative and additive and arranged hierarchically, in a sequence of goal-directed cognitions (Snyder et al., 2002). Thus, some lower goals (e.g. cultivating a garden) turn into pathways to higher-ranking goals (e.g. caring for others). Thus, in the coding process it became more important to look for broader Hope Theory themes instead of differentiating between goals and pathways. Once this was done, the interrater reliability came up to 97%. Researchers also conducted a coding analysis in line with a virtue science framework, looking at the cognitive, emotion/motivation, and behavioral dimensions of virtues (in line with Fowers et al., 2021). In that round, inter-rater reliability started at 80% (based on simple percentage agreement of both raters), but upon further conversations and honed operational definitions, independent re-coding reliability rose to 98%.

In the final open-coding analysis, the researchers inductively searched for themes and patterns by re-reading all the transcripts and jotting down topics and ideas that resurfaced. A group of four researchers (two authors, two research assistants) got together after repeatedly reading all interviews and they determined together a final list of codes and subcodes to be applied. In the meeting, they established operational definitions and talked through examples. Interviews were scanned for frequency and stories/quotes that exemplified each area. See Table 2 for a frequency table of the codes used. The inter-rater reliability was 99%. Both the interviewer and all analysts reported a sense of data saturation, with repeated themes and stories. This felt saturation provides some confidence that these insights have valuable information about the virtue of ithemba/hope in this socio-cultural context.

10 Results

The following results are subdivided into the Hope Theory framework (top-down) results and then the open coding (bottom-up) results.

11 Identifying Hope Theory: both Agency and Pathways

Ithemba/hope exemplars had a personal narrative of perseverance and plenty of stories of behaviors and thought patterns that demonstrated an inner sense of agency over the future and multiple pathways to pursue such goals as consistent with Hope Theory. Participant 7 said “Hope for me is believing that you have control of your life.” Participants demonstrated a mindset that is flexible to pursue multiple routes forward in the face of adversity which aligned with the pathways subdomain of Hope Theory. For example, Participant 4 said:

A person with hope motivates themselves by avoiding looking at a situation from a single viewpoint. They try to look at situations from different angles. For example, If something happens to me. I don’t look at it as something that is coming to hurt me but as something that is teaching me a lesson. I really see it as my growth. I always tell people around me that you need to get God’s perspective.

The quote above demonstrates the cognitive flexibility needed to find multiple pathways in adversity and aligns with Hope Theory’s cognitive-behavioral approach. In response to the question about the disposition of ithemba/hope, Participant 2 said: “You motivate yourself by working hard. If you live with people, you have to always ask for forgiveness when you’ve done something wrong. You are always pursuing peace.”

The above quotes align Hope Theory in that work is a source of hope, but it also connects hope to a broader pursuit of an upright moral life that considers others.

11.1 Agency and Pathways as Relational and Transcendent

Though there was a clear alignment with the pathways and agency operational definition of Hope Theory, nuances became salient. Ithemba exemplars consistently connected their actions back to a common good. The Hope Theory coded items also had an explicitly relational component to this perspective (e.g. ‘pursuing peace’ in the quote above). While the main consistency with Hope Theory was the cognitive and action-oriented approach, the main divergence was the relational and transcendent nature of these strategies and goals, with a strong focus on the interdependent nature of success and the other-oriented approach to the main goals. For example, in response to “how does your community foster hope?”, Participant 9 said:

Churches are hel** foster hope and also the different programs in the community brought by organizations. These programs keep the young people busy because these programs stop them from doing bad things like crime. And these programs also help them see their potential so these programs bring hope to the communities.

Hope Theory’s model posits that personal successes stimulate hope. But it was also evident in the data that other people’s success stimulated hope. Participant 5 said “People in our community nurture hope by looking up to those who have succeeded within the community.” Vicarious success can produce hope. These themes of faith and social support will be expanded through the open coding iteration of the process.

12 Virtue Science Coding Analysis

If hope is to be defined as a moral virtue, it should have the dimensions other virtues have. According to Fower and colleagues (2021), virtues have the dimensions of knowledge/cognition, emotion/motivation, and behavior. These dimensions also align with philosophical writings about virtue measurement, which require knowledge (appropriate virtue schemes), behaviors (action scripts and consistent patterns), upright motivation, and habituated dispositions (Snow et al., 2020).

12.1 Knowledge/Cognition

Ignorance is not a source of virtue (Fowers et al., 2021). The data analysis identified four specific sub-categories for knowledge/cognition as virtuous forms of cognitive ithemba/hope.

Knowledge of Adversity and Strategies is Central to Virtuous Hope. Many data items coded as “knowledge/cognition” had some connection to knowledge of adversity. For example, Participant 2 “Hope opens my mind. If you have hope you need to stand and be watchful the same way as somebody crossing the road. You need to ensure that you have looked at all sides.” Virtuous hope must be distinguished from naive optimism. For example, someone can think things will get better but can be ignorant of adversity or the strategies and sacrifices necessary. That person is not demonstrating virtuous hope because they lack the cognition/knowledge dimension. Hope is not positive thinking and does not imply short-term gains or an easy life. Ithemba exemplars spoke of their prioritizing and planning processes. For example, Participant 13 characterized hope as engaging in prudent spending and planning for long-term financial goals. They specifically mentioned adversity and their plans for the future. Similarly, Participant 4 said “[hopeful people] don’t take rushed decisions. They put much thought into it and thoroughly investigate before deciding”. These quotes stand in stark contrast to naïve optimism. Exemplars described their hope shrewd toward the challenges ahead.

Exemplars Nurture a Cognitive Focus. All interviews reflected on the importance of focusing on the goals. Participant 2 leads an early child development (creche) center and said, “I had a vision of a big garden at the creche that was going to supply food for the parents and the community at large”, and also said, “A person with hope does not have discouraging thoughts.” Her vision and focus on that goal demonstrate the cognitive habit of hope and aims at the benefit of the broader community. Multiple participants explicitly mentioned not paying attention to gossip or others’ opinions but instead focused on stories of hope from their family narratives or past experiences. Not entertaining negative thoughts (a cognitive dimension of the virtue of hope) is not the same as one-dimensional positive thinking. This study suggests that virtuous hope is informed of the adversity ahead, has a clear goal, and is supported by intellectual virtues such as perseverance and critical thinking. Cognitive hope is a slowly built habitual process. Participant 3 said that “[people who are full of hope] take time to nurture the hope they have.” This is consistent with the neo-Aristotelian perspective of virtue as a trait honed through habits (Snow, 2020).

Hope is Specific and Grounded. The interviews specifically named sources of hope and their goals ahead. Most mentioned specifically God and theological beliefs as their source of hope (see Table 2). Participant 3 said, “You need to understand that your hope comes from God. He will get you through it all.” Participant 5 said “It was the support of people in my life that contributed to my hope. My colleagues, friends and family … Another thing that encouraged me was the verse from the Bible.” Interviewees specifically named their sources (typically spiritual or relational) and their goals (typically service-oriented).

12.2 Emotion/Motivation

People can engage in prosocial behaviors (e.g. gratitude) for the wrong reason (e.g. to gain favor), which is one of the differentiators between prosocial and virtuous actions. Thus, a hopeful feeling or motivation based on social desirability would not qualify as virtuous hope.

Ithemba Exemplars are Motivated to Help Others. The ithemba/hope exemplars were motivated to contribute to their community, such as planting a community garden, wanting to be an example of perseverance to others, working to keep families together, and caring for children in the neighborhood. Participant 8 said “I always ask myself before I do something if it is good for other people.” These exemplars consistently took the perspective of others and used that as a way to motivate personal actions. Participant 10 said a newspaper recognized him for his work in the community garden. When describing the spotlight, he hoped the publicity would give others hope and benefit the community. He did not disregard his benefit but centered the motivation to help others.

Adversity and Role Models. Similar to the cognitive dimension, relationships and adversity are central to the emotion/motivation dimension. Participant 12 said, “It is also important to look at people who have gone before you for motivation. When I see people succeed, especially those who have been through worse struggles than I have been, I get inspired.” These exemplars flipped the narrative about adversity and saw their struggles (not just successes) as a source of hope. This dimension might be a key source of differentiation between virtuous hope (ithemba hope herein defined) and hope theory (as defined by Snyder, 2002).

12.3 Behavior

For virtues to be meaningful, they must have a behavioral manifestation (Fowers et al., 2021). For example, unless gratitude is expressed or generosity is enacted, the virtue lacks substance. The behavioral dimension of hope aligns well with the operational definition of Hope Theory, which emphasizes a problem-solving plan and an agency behind it. Hope Theory differentiates self-efficacy from hope because the former does not require any intentionality or action toward the goal (Rand, 2018). Thus, from both a Hope Theory and a virtue science framework, hope must do something.

Of the three virtue dimensions, the behavioral code was the most frequent, with all interviews mentioning specific actions participants engaged in, which exemplified their hope. At first glance, the behaviors seemed varied but centered around hel** behaviors, such as working with youth, caring for children, and supporting others. When asked specifically about behaviors related to hope, participants pointed out the importance of encouraging others and sharing their struggles. Exemplars talked about how hopeful people are reliable and disciplined, including spiritual disciplines such as daily prayer or scripture reading. While most of the behaviors mentioned seemed like broadly good moral behaviors, a closer look revealed some common attributes. Hopeful people invest and give and encourage.

Hopeful people invest. Exemplars invested in the future in a disciplined manner that exceeded direct personal benefit. Participant 12 talked about reading to her child as an act of hope, and Participant 4 spoke of teaching his child to pray for the things they want. Participant 8 described taking his child to a good school so his child would have a better future and hel** youth with their applications to jobs and universities. Most participants spoke of their work and labor as a manifestation of their hope. While this may seem broad given the variety of professions and life stages, working to improve something implies a belief that a better future is available and within their power to influence. The act of parenting is an investment into someone else’s future. If they did not have the hope that the future was affected by their labor, they would not engage in long-term strategies such as reading to young child. Participant 7, a single parent with a painful chronic illness said, “the little I have I am able to give them everything they need”.

Hopeful people give. Participants described how they were motivated to provide for their families and help others even when things were not guaranteed. Participant 7 spoke of caring for her teenage daughter’s baby so her daughter could complete her education. Participant 13 described his challenges in school, especially in learning to speak English, but his constant pursuit of excellence. As a farmer, he is reliant upon grant funding, and he said, “Currently, I am able to help people get different types of funding, but when it comes to me, I always have a hard time getting funding for myself, but I am hopeful that I will eventually get the funding I need.” He helps others even though his own needs are unmet. Without hope, there would be a scarcity mindset that would promote a fear-based hoarding of resources.

Hopeful people encourage others. Most of the behaviors recorded were hel**-oriented behaviors. While most of these were tangible such as caregiving and action-oriented, many people also expressed the desire to listen and talk to others as an active part of living hope. For example, Participant 8 described taking time to help youth and talking to them. Participant 6 said, “it is good to testify about what you know. Even in my preaching, I like to talk about the things that people experience. This helps us to even prepare for things that are still going to happen.” While the behaviors for hope might seem broad, they center on the belief that the future can be better, at least for others, and that actions today matter.

13 Open Coding

The section below reflects the open-coding process. Table 2 provides the breakdown of each code and they are ordered by frequency.

Table 2 Open coding frequency by interview
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13.1 Hardship: Hope Refined Through fire

The most resounding theme in the data was the saturation of stories of adversity and hardship. When people were asked about their perceived status as someone of hope, they told their stories of deep tragedy and loss, and sorrow. The authors’ experiences of interviewing/reading the transcripts made it apparent that the commonality of hope exemplars is adversity, not success. Of these, most (n = 11) mentioned family tragedies such as broken relationships and loss. For example, Participant 6 said, “Both my parents passed in front of my eyes.” Many people mentioned unemployment and underemployment challenges (n = 7) and personal hardships due to community such as break-ins, robbery, and violence (n = 6). Participants told stories of homelessness, chronic pain, family deaths. Participant 8 said, “[my mother] died in the first month of my job and I had to use my first salary to bury her.”

Hope Theory places stressors as a central part of the model (Snyder, 2002); however, repeated failures would eventually lead to a loss of hope according to the model (Rand & Cheavens, 2009). The sheer depth and breadth of suffering represented by these ithemba/hope exemplars leads us to believe that the current Hope Theory model is inadequate to explain the juxtaposition of these high levels of hope and sorrow, especially from a virtuous perspective.

The stories of adversity were embedded within larger narratives where the participant gave meaning to their suffering and described how it contributed to their high levels of hope. Participant 4 said, “I don’t look at it as something that is coming to hurt me but as something that is teaching me a lesson. I really see it as my growth. I always tell people around me that you need to get God’s perspective.” Faith and social support were just as pervasive (n = 13) as adversity and likely key variables that differentiate how repeated adversity can lead to exemplar-status instead of hopelessness.

13.2 Faith: Spiritual Source and Support

All participants mentioned faith/God even though there was no faith-related interview question. Faith played a central role in their ability to sustain high levels of ithemba/hope. Within this theme, four subcodes were identified. Most people spoke of their faith as a personal relationship with God that sustained them (n = 10). Personal faith disciplines (n = 7) were items such as regular Bible reading and prayer habits such as Participant 2 who said “I would sit by the swings in the morning and pray.” or Participant 10 who said ‘the only way to stay motivated is reading the Bible.” These were in response to the questions about what contributed to high ithemba/hope and how hopeful people are motivated, respectively.

Most interviewees (n = 9) elaborated on specific theological beliefs they hold that sustains their hope, such as Participant 10 who said “Believing that God is real is part of hope because we are not sure if it is true but we have hope that God is real.” Lastly, many participants (n = 7) mentioned their churchs in the context of providing either support or structure to their lives or community.

13.3 Social Support: Catalyst or Dilutant

The interview questions specifically asked about social support, so it is not surprising that all participants were included in this theme. However, it showed up many times outside of that question response and, all told, was a pervasive theme. Support is a source of hope. This is exemplified in Participant 9 who said “hope, when you are alone, will not take you far” and Participant 10 said “[my neighbor] gives me compost and I give him vegetables. We help each other.” That participant also described feeling supported by those who buy his produce and support his business. Being supported can act as a catalyst to transform hardship into hope. All participants mentioned people whom they support, emphasizing the network and interconnected nature of hope. Participant 2 said, “Hope does not mean that you must be on the receiving end at all times. It encourages you to give back to others.“

It would be remiss to only provide a one-dimensional approach to the effects that relationships and communities have on hope. Participant 6 said that people who do not have the same (hopeful) mindset could “dilute your hope.” He told a story about how many people doubted him and how he was rejected by his family. He said, “because I have hope, I do not move with the crowd.” Thus, negative relationships can be a dilutant to someone’s individual level of hope, dissolving the spark.

13.4 Morality: Virtues Related to hope

Although the interview questions never asked about virtues or moral motivations, all participants made connections between ithemba/hope and other virtues. Of those, nine people specifically mentioned how it was positively connected to kindness. Seven participants talked about the antithesis of hope as being self-centered or selfish. We created a list of all of the virtues mentioned that participants explicitly connected to ithemba/hope: gratitude, reliability, love, generosity, joy, kindness, prudence, patience, perseverance, wisdom, humility, and self-discipline. While the translation process did ensure that the word ithemba was always translated as hope and vice-versa, this overlap emphasizes the importance of creating a virtuous definition for hope/ithemba. Two participants made explicit reference to the Southern African moral framework of Ubuntu which scholars summarize as respect for human life and passion for community related to virtues such as helpfulness, conviviality, sharing, mutual trust and unselfishness (Mawere & Marongwe, 2016; Zimunye et al., 2015). Anti-apartheid activist Archbishop Desmond Tutu, described Ubuntu through the proverb “umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu”, or, “I am because we are” (Battle & Tutu, 2009).

Participant 8 shared,

I think the purpose of hope is to defeat giving up because when people lose hope they give up. There is a Zulu saying that says ‘I am because we are’. That also means you can see hope in other people and hope can bring about unity… I believe that hope can fight things like inequality in the community.

In this description, hope’s purpose is situated clearly in a dynamic relationship to the community – it is for the benefit of the community (“it can bring about unity”, it can “fight inequality”), as well as the community bringing hope to individuals.

13.5 Source: Internal, External, Transcendent

All of the participants referenced a source of their hope, with most having a combination of various sources (see Table 2). We coded sources as coming from within the person (e.g., individual differences of perseverance and agency), from outside the person (e.g., social support, a job) or as having a divine or faith-based source (e.g., God). All but one (n = 12) mentioned a source outside themselves, even if not including God/faith. While all participants mentioned God/faith/spirituality as related to hope (see sections above), eight participants explicitly mentioned God/faith as a source of hope.

13.6 Mental Discipline: Deep Anchor & Pessimistic hope

One of the most salient commonalities of these ithemba exemplars is the apparent resilience of their hope, where they repeatedly described that they would hope “no matter what.” Participant 7 said, “Hope is something you can never lose regardless of the situation you are facing. And when you have hope, things happen.“ The subcode of unwavering attitude (n = 12) was created with coding requirements that participants must mention hardships and a positive attitude simultaneously. Participant 3 repeatedly said, “no matter what” and “Even when things come, you will not be shaken.” Participant 2 said, “At times, I did not get a salary, but I always had hope,”

Seven participants had at least one story that we categorized as a “one-day” story. Such as Participant 10 who said, “I have hope that one day I will be a farmer with twenty hectares of land… hope gives you encouragement and that one day you will succeed.” Seven participants also told at least one story coded as a “but” story. Participant 7 said, “I am always sick, but with God’s grace I always recover.“ Participant 11 said, “there was no electricity, but we stayed hopeful.”

Six people specifically talked about holding on to a vision for the future as part of their hope. Participant 2 leads an early child development (creche) center. She said, “I had a vision of a big garden at the creche that was going to supply food for the parents and the community at large.” Participant 6 said, “The fact that I want to build a home is not a dream but a vision. It is something that won’t change.“

It is one thing to look back on adversity and retell the story from a hopeful vantage point once the troubles have passed or the success is earned. To differentiate these stories from a narrative bias, an additional subcode was developed for stories where people expressed hope at the time of the interview even though it was clear that their situation was far from success. While all participants had an objective level of ongoing hardship due to the inequality and challenges of their community, a few situations stood out. For example, Participant 5 told the story of how drugs have negatively affected her family. At the time of the interview, there was no indication that things would improve yet, she said, “My nephew has started using drugs. We have hope for him also.” Similarly, Participant 13 described still waiting for funding for his farm, and Participant 12 said, “I have been without employment since 2018. I have a strong hope that I will get a job. I still submit my CV when there is a vacancy available.“ She had been applying for jobs for four years and is hopeful and continuing to apply. Her story is an example of what we conceptualize as a “deep anchor” to hope. She is not exemplifying a “new” or “naïve” hope. Perhaps the first few applications could have easily sustained a positive perspective. However, at this point, another rejection will likely not change her hope. The anchor of her hope is much deeper than the next piece of bad news. These stories made us (authors) contemplate the “pessimistic hope,” a hope that might even anticipate bad news to inoculate against hopelessness/cynicism, strengthening resolve towards paced, action-oriented, disciplined hope.

Hopeful people hold fast and push through. There were five instances where the English word “progressive” was used in the transcript. For example, Participant 1 said: “[ithemba exemplars] are progressive. You would not progress in life without hope.”, Participant 5 said “a person with hope is progressive.” Here, the word translated as “progressive” refers to the isiZulu phrase “qhubekela phambili” (n = 5). Qhubekela is to “go on,“ and phambili means forward. While this project did not aim to conduct specific discourse analysis, the open coding process allowed researchers to investigate the cultural undertones of this specific concept because its English translation seemed insufficient. Qhubekela phambili has connotations of strenuously pushing forward. Rather than the word for perseverance, which had a connotation of holding on but being stationary, qhubekela phambili was the idea of “holding fast while pushing forward”. The phrase implies challenges and implies hardships. An old hymn commonly sung in churches in the area that says, “You people of faith, qhuba phambili!“ It is a rousing gospel song, where everyone sings out “Qhuba phambili!“ repeatedly in the chorus, encouraging people to continue in their efforts. Despite whatever, people with this quality push forward and push through in an active strenuous process. This theme demonstrates the habitual discipline of hope that is honed through hardships and narratives of resilience.

13.7 Family Narratives of hope: Speaking into Their Future

Most participants (n = 11) connected ithemba/hope to their family narrative either in the generation above them (n = 4), or in raising their children (n = 11). Participants described hope as a generational pursuit. Participants talked about how they related hope to raising children and caring for the younger generations of families. Participant 10 told the story about how his grandfather used to have a community garden, and this young man started a garden like his grandfather used to have. He said

I teach my child a lot about hope. When he visits me, I bring him to the garden and I tell him stories and I tell him that one day we will have a bigger garden and I can see that he also has hope now.

.

He said that “without hope as a parent nothing can happen.” Similarly, Participant 5 said, “Being a parent is all about ho**. We start ho** before the baby arrives… before they can dream for themselves we are already speaking things into their future.” It is as if a parent’s hope provides a “starter dream” for the child to connect to and build upon.

13.8 Community Problems: Contexts can Discourage

Several people (n = 8) mentioned community-level problems that discouraged hope. This was coded separately from the hardship theme and from the social support theme because those were at the individual level, and this one was at a neighborhood level, not their personal lives. Most participants (n = 8) mentioned how youth disengagement/violence (e.g., unemployment and delinquency) discouraged hope. This theme accentuates the contextual role of hope and how it is spread through networks and the social fabric of a community.

14 Discussion

The current study brings together ithemba/hope exemplars who helped construct a definition of virtuous hope. This study sought both a top-down and bottom-up analytic process because psychology is a universal undertaking that must embrace existing wisdom while continuing to explore. Rejecting existing knowledge can still lead to euro-centric results and “otherizing” implications (Makhubela, 2016). Based on the results, the following operational definition is put forth:

Virtuous hope involves the ardent pursuit of realizing a particular vision of the common good with intention and action, often growing out of adversity and shaped in relation to other people and the transcendent.

Additionally, this study posits that virtuous hope is necessary for positive social change and is irrelevant without adversity, thus is more other-oriented and less tied to personal success than hope defined by hope theory. Virtuous hope is grounded in specific beliefs and actions, thus is distinct from naive optimism. This definition is further elaborated in the discussion below where it is integrated with existing literature.

15 Ardent Pursuit of the Common Good

The dominant overlap between the Hope Theory analysis and the open-coding process was the portrayal of hope as a habitual discipline that requires persistence and action with a strong sense of agency and mental flexibility to pursue multiple paths toward a goal (aligning with Snyder, 2002). Most studies on Hope Theory are related to positive personal outcomes (e.g., education, employment success, health recovery) and very few Hope Theory studies correlate it with pro-social or other-benefitting outcomes (see Schornick et al., under review). Hope Theory scholars suggested that cultures could vary in what they consider moral and virtuous goals, thus the definition itself would be value-neutral (Shorey et al., 2002). However, the self-oriented definition of hope is also culturally-based. This small qualitative study suggests a revisiting of this value-neutral part of Hope Theory or at least separately construct a virtuous definition of hope, one that is socially oriented and guided by moral values for the common good.

Ancient Greek philosophers agreed that virtues are fostered through habits and enable individuals and communities to flourish (eudaimonia; Aristotle, 1999). Thus, if hope is to follow an Aristotelian model of virtue (see Snow et al., 2020), it should be motivated for the right reasons and hopeful behaviors must be enacted because it is ‘the right thing to do’. The current science of hope helps explain individual success, but does not adequately explain communal goal pursuits or relational sources of hope. The dominant theory does not adequately explain a teacher or parent sacrificing for the hope of a child’s future or how hope can be strengthened through adversity or benefit others. Virtue and moral science, in contrast, continuously emphasizes the importance of social interactions and behaviors that benefit the broader community (Lerner, 2018; Narvaez, 2008; Thomas et al., 2022). Moral virtues are distinct from intellectual/epistemic virtues (e.g. attentiveness; perspective-taking) or performance virtues (e.g. confidence) (Fowers et al., 2021; Jubilee Centre, 2017). Moral virtues are habitual behaviors that are inherently good and beneficial to others (Jubilee Centre, 2017) and the science of moral virtues is specifically focused on people’s choices and agency that are habitually cultivated (Fowers et al., 2021). Lastly, under Aquinas’ hierarchy of virtues, hope is a transcendent virtue. The data presented here aligns with this view as the hope exemplars displayed many other supporting virtues.

16 Honed Through Adversity

This study supports the definition of hope as an active trait that both holds fast and pushes forward. Ithemba/hope also aligns with how Hope Theory distinguishes itself from optimism. Optimism is more general and less agentic than hope and can be derived from external and even superstitious sources (Rand, 2018). The definition of hope constructed by these exemplars portrayed it as an active strenuous process grounded in specific beliefs and actions, different from simply a positive outlook. The construct of “pessimistic hope” is helpful to differentiate hope as a virtue when used for the common good. While optimism might be more of a stylistic individual difference (e.g., it is useful to have both optimists and pessimists on a team), hope is a virtue that all can practice. Optimism might not be inherently good because it could lead to miscalculations and can be unglued from reality. However, hope defined herein is inherently good because by definition, it is matured through adversity and has proven itself through habitual practice.

Adversity played a central role in the development, description, and flourishing of ithemba/hope. When asked about stories of hope, people told stories of tragedy. Hope Theory encompasses some setbacks/stressors, but adversity does not take center stage in this model. In that theory, repeated failures can result in a loss of hope (Rand & Cheavens, 2009) and success is more central to propelling future goal pursuits and positive emotional responses (Rand & Touza, 2021; Boyce & Harris, 2013) conducted research in a representative South African sample looking at Hope levels using Hope Theory and found that those in higher privilege groups had higher hope levels. Yet, we find evidence of hope exemplars with such high levels of adversity and sociological challenges. Unless hope is researched in situations of high inequality, its operational definition may be skewed to a socioeconomic profile of greater success. The ithemba/hope exemplars herein described deep anchors of hope that are likely only honed through adversity.

17 Virtuous Hope is Relational and Spiritual

Relationships are a central factor that enables the study of hope as a virtue. Relationships are a key component of character development (Lerner, 2018; Narvaez, 2008). Children who have stronger relationships at school develop higher levels of virtues such as bravery, prosocial leadership, and fairness (Thomas et al., 2022). Furthermore, in that study, improvements in relationships were predictive of steeper gains in virtues. Relationships seem to be germane in the development of virtues, and virtuous hope is no exception. The ithemba/hope that the exemplars described was multi-sourced, and participants named people who constructed/sustained their hope. Participants tied their own stories of ithemba/hope to bigger family storylines, seeing the broad narrative arch. The family narrative piece is not currently well explained by Hope Theory’s theoretical or empirical base because most research is on personal hope and personal benefits. Perhaps this is because of how hope is currently defined, over-centering personal success in its measurement, or perhaps it is a lack of research interest thus far in identifying and studying hope as beneficial and connected to a broader communal purpose. Although there is less research on this in hope theory, there is some work that highlights the importance of shared goals for communal hope (Snyder et al., 1997).

Hope exemplars know the source of their hope. They were not vague or blind, but explicitly mentioned their support system, their specific theological beliefs, and their agency over the future (only one of these is encompassed in the current Hope Theory). The participants’ spiritual perspective of the world allowed them to transcend their adversities and provided an anchor and purpose to their lives.

18 Limitations

Participants were invited and told that they were considered by others to be ithemba exemplars. For this reason, they may have been susceptible to amplifying their hope in the interview and be affected by a social desirability bias. However, since this study seeks to define hope as a virtue that is good for others, there must be communal acknowledgment of this virtue.

It is worth noting that 95% of this community would self-identify as Christian, and nearly 80% of the national population self-identifying as Christian (South African Government, 2016). In attempting to generalize the wisdom of these exemplars to a broader study of hope, it is important to highlight their conviction and specificity of beliefs so as to not overgeneralize to all spiritual or theological beliefs. Religions differ in their approach to hope thus this study does not wish to over-generalized into a common spiritual influence on hope. These interviewees were selected based on their “exemplar” status, thus this project does not insinuate that this manifestation of hope is representative of their community or any other group. By nature of selection, this is an exemplary sample that can provide insight into the range and ideals of human development (Damon & Colby, 2013).

The interview questions asked about social support and community and thus may have led interviewees to speaking about these issues. However, the majority of the coding came from stories and examples which emerged from the earlier questions in the interview. The later questions that singled out the community and the social support ended up providing an outlet for participants to talk about some of the negative influences of the community (e.g. “Community problems” code). Regardless, the quotes and operational definition provide depth to the construct that the questions could not anticipate.

Adversity may have emerged as central in this study because it is a central part of the community which has suffered from pandemics, apartheid, and high unemployment. However, we posit that the current definition of hope is too centered around success because its research base is predominantly in wealthy Western contexts. Thus, the limitations of this study provide a helpful juxtaposition of the limitations of the current study of hope.

19 Conclusion

In a context of high injustice and inequality and many financial and health challenges, adversity surfaced as a more central component of hope than success. This study aligned well with the current model of Hope Theory in its agentic and flexible pathways perspective but the goals mentioned and sources of hope were transcendent and relational in nature. A virtue science framework highlighted the knowledge of adversity and disciplined hopeful thoughts, which stems from a motivation for the common good, and intentionally invests, gives, and encourages others. Open coding constructed the definition of hope as an ardent pursuit of a common good and shaped by relationships and the transcendent. Future research should seek to create quantitative measurements of virtuous ithemba/hope so it can be further measured and studied across contexts.