Abstract
Analyses of the anti-immigration focus of right-wing populism are regularly inhibited by the conventional terminology employed. The ‘economic argument’ emphasizes competition for economic resources/opportunities/subsidies. The ‘cultural preservation argument’ emphasizes the need to protect a way of life from the threat overwhelmingly posed by ‘others’. And what further hinders comprehension is the motivating dynamic of ‘alienation’, being an unwieldy term referring to an affliction with multiple causes and multiple manifestations. This paper shows that a complex synthesis of marginalizing economic and cultural factors generate a profound state of social disconnectedness that, for contemporary political analysis, merits recognition. By refining the concept of ‘alienation’, this paper shows that the disaffection disproportionately experienced by the core of North American right wing populism is a consequence of the contemporary inability to affirm a traditional conception of ‘us’ in a consumer culture: a condition to be called ‘emporia’. The immigrant ‘other’ as threat is not the elemental cause nor the source of right-wing populist resentment; the immigrant ‘other’ is the means to momentarily confirm an ephemeral and cathartic sense of ‘us’. So as to convey its functioning with respect to identity formation, this conception of a newly reified ‘us’ can be called an ‘exclusion identity’. With a refined conception of alienation, overt contradictions of right-wing populism that are inadequately explained when using the threat-driven ‘economic/cultural preservation’ duality become more intelligible.
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Notes
Although clearly inclusive of race, anti-immigrationism in the core of right wing populism is not simply a stand-in for racial aversion. If anti-immigrationism were simply a stand-in for racial aversion, the anti-immigration animosity would be historical and thus relatively evenly manifested over time; it would not be in the dramatically heightened state of aversion at present characterized by formalized policies of immigrant exclusion and informal celebrations of public antipathy. Moreover, if anti-immigrationism ‘were’ simply a stand-in for racial aversion domestic racial tensions in the USA would spatially mirror anti-immigration sentiment by overwhelmingly manifesting in the core areas of right-wing populism where there are comparably smaller numbers of racial minorities. Additionally, urban whites would reflect similar levels of race-driven antipathy as rural whites. There is little evidence to support either of these suppositions. At this point in time, this suggests that the ‘immigrant other’ imports specific features to the act of exclusion that race itself is currently unable to fully encompass—and those specific features service an anxiety that is presently acute within the core demographic of right-wing populism.
By its spelling and pronunciation, the term ‘emporia’ is a fusion of existing terms of classical Greek/Latin origin that convey a portion of its meaning, such as ‘emporium’ (a large selection of commodities, in this case the increasingly commodified and alienated identities of an intensifying consumer culture), ‘atopia’ (a society whose lack of territorial borders generates anxiety and disaffection), ‘aporia’ (a useful state of puzzlement or doubt, an amorphous inclination to raise objections), ‘dysphoria’ (a general state of unease/dissatisfaction with life). This term is a creation of the author.
While clearly exposed to the same general systemic alienation as others groups and possessing in fact comparably worse socio-economic circumstances than the white lesser-educated underclass, African-Americans as a group are not equally subject to emporia, and thus do not resort to right-wing populism to address it. This is because emporia is centred on the role of the consumer culture, largely through its mass media. Unlike white male patriarchy, which is slowly being demoted from disproportionate centrality in the long-emerging cosmopolitan and multicultural public sphere (the media), images of successful, prestigious, and reputable blacks are, historically speaking, ‘in ascendance’ in the last half century. Additionally, unlike the white mainstream whose collective identity and metanarrative of purpose has been coopted and dispersed by consumer culture into an ever-changing kaleidoscope of consuming patterns, African-Americans maintain history’s most effective coalescing metanarrative of collective purpose for any peoples: that is ‘liberation’ and/or ‘equality’. The associated geographic expression of their marginalization has resulted in the maintenance and, indeed growth, of discrete cultural traits (i.e. speech, dress, music, etc.) identified explicitly as ‘African-American’, and ironically marketable because of the noncompliant aesthetics they convey to an acquisitive mainstream market. And finally, African-American participation in right-wing populism that envisions the virtuous ‘people’ as white is unlikely when African-Americans and their environments are regularly featured as contemptuous ‘others’.
Like other states of mind, emporia could conceivably be distilled from a battery of refined polls and surveys. Cross-referenced questions would parse out the critical features of emporia’s social disconnectedness (not simply right-wing populist affiliation or a generalized state of ‘alienation’). Survey questions would address the character of extra-economic participation in society, a sense of group beleaguerment and betrayal, the perceived aspirations of their self-designated ethnic/cultural ‘community’, identity attached to place or skills, sense of economic vulnerability and prospects, belief in elemental differences embodied by ethnicity/race, conception of societal progress, particular nostalgia for a lost ‘golden era’ for his/her identity group, presence and intensity of fatalism, type and degree of exposure to mass media, perception of identity-group in mass media, comparative presence and significance of brand loyalties, the existence of long-term cultural grievance and the systemic or antagonist causation of it. And Bakker et al. (2016) assert that those who score low on the personality trait of ‘Agreeableness’ tend to resonate with strident anti-establishment political messaging that services their state of mind. Amongst other interesting filters would be the belief that diversity limits one’s freedom (for this and other potential filters that might also serve for emporia see Akkerman et al., 2014).
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de Oliver, M. Emporia and the Exclusion Identity: Conservative Populist Alienation in the USA and Its Anti-immigrationism. Int J Polit Cult Soc 35, 153–178 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-021-09397-5
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