1 Introduction

The National Census in Nepal [1] revealed a remarkable diversity of 123 languages and 125 ethnic groups, out of which 59 are recognized as indigenous peoples, each known for their unique identities. In fact, indigenous peoples constitute a significant 36% of Nepal’s population, according to the census data from 2011, highlighting their substantial presence and contributions to the nation’s cultural landscape, history, and development [2]. The provisions that have been made about the language of Nepal in the Constitution of Nepal 2015 are as follows: “All languages spoken as mother tongues in Nepal are languages of the nation.” Additionally, “The Nepali language in the Devanagari script shall be the official language of Nepal” [3]. The first part of the statement seems to emphasize linguistic diversity and inclusivity in Nepal, including school education. It suggests that all languages spoken as mother tongues in Nepal hold significance and are considered part of the national identity. The second part of the statement establishes Nepali, written in the Devanagari script, as the sole official language of Nepal. The designation of an official language is common in many countries and serves as a means to promote unity, communication, and governance efficiency. Having a single official language can facilitate national integration and administration, especially in a linguistically diverse country like Nepal. However, there are some critical aspects to consider in this context.

While adopting an official language can have its merits, it also raises concerns about linguistic and cultural hegemony and potential marginalization of other cultures and languages. The positive approach of recognizing the rich cultural and linguistic tapestry of the country is commendable. However, this statement may lack clarity on the extent to which these languages are officially recognized and protected. Gautam [4] concluded that this linguistic diversity also presents challenges. As the dominant Nepali language comes into contact with other languages, it can exert influence and assimilate certain linguistic features, leading to the erosion of linguistic diversity over time. This process of vitalizing the Nepali language through contact can gradually reduce the size and scope of linguistic variations among the other languages spoken in Nepal. Regrettably, the vision of a multilingual and multicultural society remains elusive in public settings, particularly within the realm of basic and high school education in Nepal [5]. Despite recognizing the rights of indigenous peoples, the Constitution of Nepal [3] may need further implementation and clarification on how it ensures fair treatment based on language, ethnicity, culture, religion, class, sex, or ideological orientation.

The constitution envisions fostering a “multicultural policy” in public spaces, including government buildings, schools, and other venues, with a commitment to protecting the rights of indigenous peoples [6]. Specific provisions are in place for preserving their languages, cultures, and prohibiting discrimination based on linguistic, cultural, ethnic, or religious backgrounds. The government has implemented various measures to safeguard the rights of 23 officially recognized indigenous communities, such as the Magar, Tharu, Tamang, Newar, Rai, Gurung, and Limbu communities [7]. Despite the progress made in recognizing linguistic and cultural diversity in Nepal, there remains a need for further action and policy implementation to achieve a truly inclusive and holistic development of indigenous people. The National Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (NIPRA) has emerged as a crucial instrument in safeguarding their rights and promoting their holistic development [8]. Therefore, to cultivate a truly inclusive Nepali public sphere, it is essential to assess the practical application of the constitution’s multicultural policy and continue working towards the vision of an inclusive and multilingual society [6].

The Magars, officially recognized as indigenous and minority groups in Nepal, have a rich heritage that sets them apart from other communities [9]. Their heritage includes their own language, literature, culture, art, and ritual activities. According to the United Nations, indigenous peoples are those who are minorities within their own countries, often finding themselves among the most marginalized communities in many societies. They face exclusion from socio-economic activities, limited access to political power, and obstacles in expressing their unique identities. In Nepal, the Nepali government and the Magar community refer to them as “indigenous peoples” or “indigenous nationalities” [10]. The Magars are considered one of the ancient ethnic groups of Nepal, believed to have descended from the Kirat people. They are divided into two main subgroups: the Kham Magar and the Dhut Magar. For the purpose of this research, the focus lies on studying the Kham Magar community, primarily because one of the authors resides in close proximity to the Kham Magar village and possesses extensive teaching experience at the local school within the community. The Kham Magar predominantly inhabit the western hills of Nepal.

Despite limited studies on the indigenous peoples of Nepal, some researchers have focused on various aspects, such as medium of instruction, identity, indigenous language education, and language policy [11]. Additionally, specific studies have explored indigenous knowledge related to disaster risk management among the Chepang community [12] and their ethnomedicinal behavior [13]. Notably, a few earlier studies delved into the traditions of the Kham Magar community, revealing the significant role of Kham Magar women as bearers of stories and memories, preserving their rich cultural heritage [14, 15].

Regarding the population of the Kham Magars, there have been divergent estimates. The Linguistic Survey of Nepal [16] estimated their population to exceed 27,113 (male: 12,934 and female: 14,179) in 2013. However, Rai [17] argued that the community’s current population is approximately 40,000, emphasizing the need for focused research on this distinct group that has managed to preserve its language, religion, way of life, and unique identity. While some studies have addressed the indigenous knowledge of the Chepang community [12, 18], there is still a lack of proper investigation and documentation of this knowledge. The schools that offer education to the Kham community in Nepali language and English language are still largely unknown, making it challenging to ascertain the benefits they derive from it. This difficulty is further compounded by the effects of urbanization, which have resulted in an oversight of the expectations and experiences of the Kham Magar community concerning the school education system. Consequently, there is a pressing need for additional research to gain a deeper understanding of the factors that impact the involvement of indigenous students from the Kham Magar community, particularly those who must navigate the delicate balance between preserving their cultural heritage and meeting the demands of the school system.

This study delves into the impact of the national context on policies that resulted in a dual colonization of ethnic/Indigenous languages among the Kham Magar community, characterized by external colonization through the English language and internal colonization through the Nepali language [19]. It specifically aims to explore and understand the expectations and experiences of the Kham Magar community concerning the value of school education, employing the Expectancy Value Theory. Understanding indigenous peoples’ perceptions of formal school education is crucial, as their past experiences and understanding shape their expectations. Therefore, culturally responsive educational interventions are vital to promote motivation and performance among indigenous groups, including the Kham Magars. Through this research, the study seeks to gain valuable insights into the specific needs and preferences of the Kham Magar community regarding their educational experiences.

Moreover, the study aims to investigate how the Kham Magar community perceives and experiences the value of school education. By examining their lived experiences and reflections, the researchers aim to uncover the significance they attribute to education, its impact on their lives, and the ways it influences their personal and collective development. Overall, the primary focus is to shed light on the unique perspectives, aspirations, and desired outcomes of the Kham Magar community concerning school education, offering valuable information to inform educational approaches that better meet their needs and foster their development. The study questions that guide this study are:

  1. 1.

    What are the expectations of Kham Magars community from school education?

  2. 2.

    How do Kham Magars experience the value of school education in relation to their livelihood?

1.1 Livelihood of Kham Magars

Kham Magars, Mongolian descendants inhabiting Nepal’s western and southern hilly regions, rely on traditional practices such as animal pasturing, that don't require formal education. Men tend to herd and move animals like sheep, goats, and yaks. They take their animals to different locations depending on the season, for example, to the Mahabharat Mountain in the southern part of the Kham Magar community during winter, and to tall pastures in the north of the village during summer [14, 20]. Women, on the other hand, stay in the village during the farming season and undertake most of the agricultural tasks. Kham Magars have deep knowledge of local medicinal plants for human and often rely on traditional medicinal practices, including the use of medicinal plants and spiritual treatments provided by Dhami-Jhankri (shamans), rather than modern medical treatments [21].

Kham Magars also engage in tangible trade and other livelihood practices that do not require formal education or academic degrees. Due to the influence of their ancestors who had careers in the British army, Singaporean police, Indian army, or other foreign employments, some Kham Magars may be motivated to pursue similar professions. In India and the United Kingdom, Kham Magars are recognized for their bravery and amiable demeanor [22]. Additionally, Kham Magars have traditional beliefs and practices related to animism and shamanism, where they worship nature and seek blessings from gods, goddesses, and deceased ancestors through offerings of alcohol. They retain a Sino-Tibetan indigenous language named Khamand and often follow spiritual witches or spiritual ghosts called Dhami and Jhankri for various aspects of their daily lives [17]. It's important to note that Kham Magars, despite having access to school-level education, may not prioritize formal education as a means of livelihood and may prefer to follow traditional practices that are culturally and historically significant to their community [23].

1.2 Challenges of ensuring access to education for indigenous communities in Nepal

The Constitution of Nepal clearly stipulates that education in community schools is compulsory and free up to the basic level (Grades 1 to 8), with secondary education (Grades 9 to 12) being free but not compulsory, in line with the principle of “access to quality education for everyone” [3, article 31, 2]. Access to quality education is defined as the opportunity for every citizen to gain skills necessary for a dignified social life up to secondary education [24]. However, recent studies conducted by Action Aid Nepal [25] have found little evidence of effective implementation of the compulsory education policy at the grassroots level. Furthermore, despite Nepal’s commitment to international conventions, International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions, and UN declarations on educational matters and indigenous rights, effective implementation has been lacking [10]. The school systems in Nepal have been criticized for exclusionary mechanisms that do not adequately address the needs of indigenous children, but rather cater to the majority population of the country. Inequality in education is a pressing issue, particularly in less developed countries and among indigenous communities.

The Kham Magar community, an indigenous group in Nepal, encounters various barriers to education, particularly concerning language instruction, which hinders their access to and attainment of education [26]. Nepal’s language education policy planning reflects these challenges, with a historical shift in priorities from promoting English as the primary medium of instruction to later focusing on the Nepali language, while neglecting the preservation and promotion of ethnic/Indigenous languages [19]. Bang et al. [27] argue that making better adjustments in school education to meet the needs of the Kham Magar community could lead to their assimilation into the dominant culture. However, this assimilation may come at the cost of losing their community’s unique culture and identity. This highlights the delicate balance required to provide education that is culturally responsive and inclusive, preserving the cultural heritage of indigenous communities like the Kham Magars while ensuring access to quality education.

The perceived value of school education and the experiences of community members in promoting a better life through education are key determinants of their social contribution, mainstreaming in national-wide activities, and overall well-being. Despite recent changes in social, cultural, and economic spaces among the Kham Magar community [22], the educational status of Kham Magars remains low, as evidenced by the School Leaving Certificate examination results reported by District Education Coordination Offices of the concerning districts, which have shown minimal access to higher education since 1983–93, indicating the persistent challenges faced by this indigenous community in accessing quality education.

1.3 Theoretical framework: expectancy value theory in educational expectations and experience

This study’s conceptual framework is based on Vroom’s Expectancy-Value Theory, which explains how expectation and value influence motivation. Building on this theory, Eccles et al. [28, 29] have extended the concept to the educational context, with support from other researchers [30,31,32]. Expectancy has subcomponents of effort and performance, where high effort and improved performance lead to higher expectancy [32]. Value includes beliefs and experiences related to task benefits and satisfaction. Expectation is the perceived likelihood of achieving a desired outcome, while value is the benefits derived from an activity [33]. Expectation is a belief or anticipation about the future, influencing thoughts, feelings, and behaviors based on personal desires, social and cultural norms, or past experiences. Value is the worth or significance assigned to an object or concept [34]. Expectation focuses on future events, while value assesses worth or importance [35].

In the context of indigenous parents and students’ educational expectations, Vroom’s theory suggests that motivation is high when both expectation and value are high, but diminishes or disappears when either factor is zero. Indigenous parents and students may have similar expectations of educational success, but if these expectations are not met, motivation may decrease [36] Additionally, the framework acknowledges that limited access to educational resources may result in lower expectations among indigenous students compared to other populations [37]. Maximizing educational resources can enhance indigenous students’ expectations and educational attainment, crucial for a successful future according to Vroom’s theory.

According to Vroom’s theory, students’ motivation is influenced by their belief in their ability to succeed (expectancy). In this study, the expectation of Kham Magars community from school education and their experience on the value of school education will be explored to understand the value they place on education. The framework emphasizes the importance of considering both expectancy and value factors in understanding indigenous students’ motivation and attitudes towards school education. For instance, parents who view education as crucial for their children’s future success are likely to have higher expectations for their children’s achievements compared to parents who do not hold such beliefs [38]. However, it's important to note that expectations and values are also shaped by the social environment, including the success of peers and perceived social identification restrictions, such as language and culture, or lack of supportive resources [30, 31]. McIvor and Ball [39] highlighted that students and parents from indigenous and minority communities may feel disempowered when their language and culture are not valued in mainstream school culture, leading to a realization of the power of their language in negotiating between institution and discourse identities.

Indeed, it is important to acknowledge that expectations and aspirations of indigenous parents for their children’s schooling may differ from those of non-indigenous parents, but these differences may be influenced by external restrictions at home and school levels [40]. Embracing Indigenous Knowledges and advocacy efforts offers an opportunity for a more enlightened and compassionate approach to education. It encourages a spirit of reciprocity, humility, and shared learning that can lead to positive transformations in our educational systems and broader societal relationships [41]. However, there may also be cases where English or other dominant languages are valued by parents, students, and teachers due to the perception of English as a special kind of linguistic capital that can lead to academic success, access to higher education, and upward social and economic mobility [42]. In the context of Nepal, the current study aims to explore teachers’ and Kham Magar students’ and parents’ expectations and experiences of school education, using the Expectancy–Value Theory as a theoretical lens to investigate the challenges faced by indigenous families and communities against the centralized education system.

2 Method

The present study uses a qualitative research design rooted in the phenomenological tradition to explore indigenous parents’ and students’ expectations and experiences value of school education in Nepal [43, 44]. Drawing on teachers, parents, and former students’ perspectives, this research investigates their expectations, and experiences value of formal school education through the lens of indigenous peoples [45]. Phenomenological research captures and describes how individuals perceive and experience a phenomenon, employing qualitative data analysis and interpretation of meanings [43, 44]. This research design allows us for a thorough exploration of informants’ understanding of the phenomenon based on in-depth interviews, presenting findings as descriptive meanings attributed to their experiences [45]. Phenomenological research prioritizes the analysis and interpretation of human experiences, recognizing the significance of lived experiences in generating knowledge [46].

2.1 Participants

The study was conducted in a far western district of Nepal, in a village predominantly inhabited by the indigenous Kham Magar community, purposefully chosen as the research site. The village had a population of 3127 people in 707 households according to the Central Bureau of Statistics of Nepal in 2012 [2]. The research participants included a head teacher, four teachers, four parents, and three former students from the government-funded community school in the village [47]. Purposive sampling was used to select participants who could provide relevant data for addressing the research questions [48]. Written consent was obtained, and pseudonyms were assigned to protect participants’ identities [47]. Further details of the participants are presented in Table 1. Drawing on his firsthand experience as a high school teacher within the Kham Magar community, the second authors of this study, possesses valuable Kham Magar language skills, which enables us to offer unique and insightful perspectives on the language and culture of this particular community.

Table 1 Pseudonyms and demography of research participants
Full size table

2.2 Data collection and analysis

The second author who collected the data for this study is familiar with the Kham Magar community due to their past experience as a teacher at the same school in the 1990s, as well as their long-term residency near the Kham Magar village. One-to-one unstructured interviews were conducted with participants in a conducive environment either within or outside the school, where the Kham Magar community was located. Prior informed consent was obtained from the participants, and their responses during the interviews were audio-recorded for later translation and transcription. The interviews lasted for 60 to 90 min each, exploring the participants’ expectation before establishment of school, current experiences, and their roles as parents, teachers, and students in the school. The interviews were conducted in two phases. The first phase focused on gathering demographic information, teaching experiences of the teachers, and academic activities of the students, to gain an initial understanding of their background, experiences, and motivation in education. The second phase solely concentrated on Kham Magars’ expectations and experiences value with school education.

The analysis of the phenomenological data followed the stages as suggested by Pietkiewicz and Smith [49]. First, all the interviews were transcribed verbatim, and journal notes were kept to preserve the original opinions. The transcripts were read multiple times, and the headteacher’s, teachers’, parents’, and students’ interviews and artifacts were organized into pre-determined themes expectation and experiences value of school education. Relationships and clustering themes were identified, and thick descriptions of the experiences of the participants, including their motivations and expectations as well as the value of experiences of school education were presented with both direct quotes from the participants and interpretive commentary from the researcher [49]. Additionally, the Expectancy–Value Theory was utilized in interpreting the pre-determined themes from the analysis of the participants’ interview responses. Concepts were regularly compared during the analysis process, particularly across expectation and experience, to minimize overlap** and generate conclusive results.

2.3 Findings

In our interviews with Kham Magar teacher, non-Kham Magar teachers, Kham Magar parents, and students, we discerned that while their expectations of school education have evolved over the years, their narratives reveal distinct orientations and diverse values they attribute to their experiences with school education. In our study, we also incorporated non-Kham Magar teachers into the study. Despite not having direct experience within the Kham Magar community, these teachers had valuable insights into how Kham Magar individuals react to and perceive school education. Their diverse perspectives provided a broader understanding of the educational dynamics within the community [47].

2.4 Kham Magar community expectation from school education

Experience of Kham Magar revealed a notable disparity in the representation of Kham Magars in the district education board, with no representative positions allocated to them until Pun, a teacher, was given the opportunity in 1983 to represent the Kham Magar community. Through his narratives, Pun recounted his relentless efforts to secure budgetary allocation for the establishment of a school in their community, driven by a fervent desire to provide high-quality education that would equip the children of the Kham Magar Community with the necessary skills and knowledge for academic success and thriving in the modern world. Pun passionately shared:

As the first-ever representative of the Kham Magar community in the district education board, I recognized the urgent need for a school that would provide our children with education. I tirelessly advocated for the allocation of budgetary resources to establish a school in our community, driven by a profound belief in the power of education to prepare our children for academic success and equip them with the skills and knowledge necessary to thrive in the modern world. In that era, regrettably, no budget was allocated for the establishment of a school in the Kham Magar community. Undeterred, I made numerous requests to the district for budgetary support, only to be met with dismissal and indifference. My determination reached a point where I was willing to resign from my position if my pleas continued to be ignored. Through unwavering persistence and persuasive argumentation, I was able to secure a modest allocation of funds from the district board (Panchayat). With limited resources, we constructed a makeshift wooden structure near a river and initiated a primary school. Subsequently, in a groundbreaking development in 1983, we successfully established a secondary level school in Kol Gaun Panchayat, Rukum district, with the distinguished presence of Padmasundar Lawati, the esteemed Education Minister, who inaugurated the school. This momentous event marked a pivotal milestone in igniting the local community’s passion for education in the area.

The establishment of the school in Kham Magar’s community was a testament to the unwavering dedication and active involvement of their community. They willingly volunteered their time and efforts to construct the school building, meticulously utilizing locally-sourced materials such as wood and bamboo, meticulously positioned alongside the picturesque riverside. Parents collective expectation was that their investment of labor and commitment would afford them meaningful participation in the subsequent activities and governance of the school, reflecting their profound sense of ownership and pride in its development. For example, Sombare shared his experiences:

The construction of the school was a collaborative effort involving our dedicated participation as well as that of our community. We voluntarily devoted significant time and effort to construct the school building using locally-sourced materials such as wood and bamboo, painstakingly erected along the serene riverside. Our shared expectation was that this collective investment would afford us continued involvement in the subsequent activities and operations of the school, as a testament to our unwavering commitment to its success.

Mrs. Keshari, a teacher in the Kham Magar community, shared how the establishment of the school brought transformative changes. She observed that parents showed determination and effort to send their children to school and had increased expectations for their children’s education. Teachers were also highly respected, and Mrs. Keshari expressed gratitude for the warm welcome and respect she received from the community as an outsider.

As an outsider teacher in the Kham Magar community, I was welcomed with open arms and experienced their unwavering support. They provided me the lodging and food support for free. Parents placed high expectations on their children’s education, and teachers were held in high esteem. Their kindness and generosity were evident in every aspect of our interactions, reflecting their willingness to go above and beyond to support us.

The prevailing belief in the transformative power of school education to bestow a prosperous future upon Kham Magar children is imbued with optimism. Rajuman anticipated that their children educational attainment, encompassing both primary and higher education, will render them competitively positioned in the job market, on par with their counterparts from diverse communities. Furthermore, he was expecting that the school education is envisaged to engender a ripple effect, creating employment opportunities within his own community, thus fostering socio-economic advancement and empowerment.

With the expectation that school education serves as a beacon of hope for a brighter future, we anticipate that our children will be equipped to secure comparable employment opportunities in the job market alongside their peers from other communities, upon successful completion of their school and higher education. Furthermore, we envisage that this education will also create avenues for job prospects within our own community, thus fostering economic empowerment and prosperity.

Drawing inspiration from Mrs. Keshari’s sentiments, students from the Kham Magar community echo the profound reverence and appreciation for their teachers. As exemplified by Pradip, a former student who reported that his parents hold teachers’ contributions in high esteem, it is evident that the teachers’ care and dedication towards their students and their parents is greatly valued. This reflects the pivotal role that teachers play in fostering positive relationships and earning the trust and admiration of the community they serve.

My parents believed teachers could bring positive change, even in challenging circumstances. Despite remote locations, teachers made invaluable contributions through education. My parents were grateful for their dedication and believed it could lead to transformative changes in society.

2.5 Kham Magar community experiences value from school education

The Kham Magar parents expressed their lack of motivation to send their children to school, as they questioned the practicality of education in their agricultural livelihood after few years: “What benefit do we get from sending our children to school when they can plow the fields and harvest food? What job can they get with education?” This sentiment was further echoed in their concern that schooling would not guarantee employment or food security, which led to their skepticism about the value of education for their children. Cultivating the fields to feed their families, the Kham Magar parents Ratha pondered.

We did not see any benefit in sending our children to school because ‘Ghor ki:da kang e kang Parid dane kata yan? Halo joti mamai mam, padhilekhi Kun kam?’ That is, if we or our children plow the fields, we can get food. If our children go to school, they cannot get a job nor food.

Teachers have reported that using languages other than Kham Language, such as Nepalese or English, as the medium of instruction has not been effective in hel** Kham Magar students understand the subject matter taught in class. Learning in a language other than their mother tongue is not seen as a valuable commodity due to its limited utility as a basic skill in their daily lives and its lack of recognition as a form of cultural capital. For example, Rokha stated:

The profound experiences rooted in their mother tongue, Kham Magar, highlight their linguistic diversity. As a result, it becomes extremely challenging for them to comprehend the subject matter when it is taught in the Nepali language at school.

Kham Magar people prefer to speak their native language, Kham Magar, at home, and it holds a higher value for them compared to other local forms of communication. This is evident from parents choosing to communicate with their children in their native language at home, rather than using the more widely used Nepali language, which is used as the medium of instruction in schools. Keshari reported:

In the lower classes, the children neither speak nor understand the Nepali language. They are unable to comprehend simple questions like “Khana khaeu?” (Have you had a meal?). However, they can respond when asked questions like “kang na zeora?”? (Where are you from?) or “Katani Nuhuo?” (Go home).

Roshan, a former student, highlighted the educational challenges faced by Kham Magar students in achieving success in the secondary education examination system. Due to the language barrier, many struggle to pass the Secondary Exams. Roshan, who primarily speaks Kham, faced difficulties in understanding educational content taught in Nepali, the medium of instruction in schools in Nepali language accept English language. This resulted in lower academic performance and exam difficulty for him and other Kham Magar students. Roshan who was a student up to grade 8 at school emphasized the importance of education in the Kham language to better support the academic success of Kham Magar students.

Our observations of the Secondary Education (SEE) Exams show a troubling trend where a significant number of our peers have not achieved satisfactory outcomes in the Nepali subject, with many obtaining notably low scores. Sadly, only a limited proportion of individuals within our community have passed this exam. These emphasize the urgent need for focused efforts to address the challenges related to Nepali language proficiency among students. They also highlight the crucial importance of targeted interventions to improve the academic performance of our peers in this essential assessment.

Amarsin, a concerned parent, has raised an issue that is common in their community: the lack of proficiency in the native language among teachers. This creates a challenging situation for parents, who either have to become proficient in Nepali or struggle with ineffective communication with teachers. Despite their respect for teachers, parents feel that the educators may not be equipped to provide proper guidance and support due to their limited language skills. Amarsin’s predicament highlights the importance of effective communication between parents and teachers to ensure a conducive learning environment for all students.

The head teachers and teachers in our community are mostly from other communities, and planning responsibilities typically fall on the head teacher alone, with limited participation from our community. Community members face obstacles in reaching leadership positions due to language requirements, education certifications, and proficiency in Nepali and English, which has discouraged many from pursuing teaching as a career.

Tulachan, an experienced educator, highlights the importance placed by the Kham Magar community on education for their community’s advancement. However, teachers have expressed that these expectations have not resulted in long-term career prospects or educational opportunities for graduates in the current year. Nonetheless, Tulachan notes positive developments such as curriculum improvements and increased parental involvement in monitoring their children’s progress. Despite challenges, Tulachan remains optimistic about motivating more Kham Magar children towards higher education opportunities.

In our study of schools, we made an unexpected observation of significantly low student enrollments, which presented challenges in terms of irregular attendance and enrollment fluctuations. It became evident that there was a need for greater awareness among the students and their families regarding the significance of education.

Participants in the study identified that Kham Magar children struggle to find pride in their chosen professions, impacting their sense of personal choice and identification within the school environment and curriculum. Budha’s powerful narrative highlights the disconnect between teachers’ expectations and the reality faced by Kham Magar children in schools, underscoring the community’s value given to education and the need to fully share their experiences.

During my interactions with students, I noticed a stronger interest in physical activities like gymnastics, push-ups, and fitness-related endeavors than in academic pursuits during regular school hours. Recognizing this as a challenge, I sought to motivate the students and engage them in the classroom. To address this, I introduced a new approach by discussing the Great Britain Gurkha soldiers, known as Lahures, in a few classes. I shared that joining the British army as Lahures would come with a lucrative salary of 1000 pounds sterling and the requirement to salute all Britons, which piqued their curiosity and motivation.

Birkhu shared that the teachers did not appreciate the students’ desire to join the army as their chosen profession. While acknowledging the teachers’ good intentions of wanting students to receive a formal education and pursue other professions, Birkhu and their peers were resolute in their desire to join the army. Birkhu recognized the teachers’ intentions but also noted that they and their parents had their own aspirations, and joining the army held significant appeal for them. It was evident that the students were struggling to reconcile their personal aspirations with the well-meaning intentions of the teachers.

My teachers mean well, but they didn't fully appreciate my determination to join the army. While I understand their desire for formal education and other professions, I and my parents had our own aspirations. Joining the army holds a significant appeal for me, and I'm grappling with reconciling my personal aspirations with the intentions of my teachers.

Ratha, a parent from the Kham Magar community, had mixed feelings about the infrastructure development of the school, such as the construction of buildings and roads. While she expected benefits from these developments, she also felt that her community was losing jobs as a result. The school and local government seemed unaware of this phenomenon, as neither the lost professions of the community were taken into consideration nor were alternative job opportunities created in the surrounding area. Ratha’s explanation shed light on the complex impact of school infrastructure development on the livelihood of the Kham Magar community.

While the infrastructure development brought about by the school, such as electric power and roads, was appreciated, it was noted that the benefits had not fully reached the Kham Magar community. On the contrary, the development had also introduced automobile transport, resulting in reduced employment opportunities for the community as porters. This has forced us to search for alternative means of livelihood.

Sombare, a parent from the Kham Magar community, pointed out that there is a disconnect between the livelihood practices of the Kham Magars and the formal education provided in schools. According to Sombare, Kham Magars possess valuable professional knowledge and skills related to cattle pasturing and foodgrain collection, which they pass down to their children at home. However, Kham Magar students often feel pressure to conform to the school system and learn content that does not align with their practical skills and knowledge needs at home. Sombare stressed that school activities were not visibly and concretely aligned with promoting the Kham Magar culture, and parents were largely unaware of a system that could support this integration.

We have valuable knowledge and skills related to our livelihood practices, such as cattle pasturing and foodgrain collection. We pass these down to our children at home, but in school, they learn things that do not align with our practical needs. They feel pressure to conform to the school system, which is not always relevant to our way of life. It would be helpful if the school could integrate our culture and knowledge into their activities to make it more meaningful and relevant to our children

Every year, as the second week of May approaches, there is a sense of anticipation among the Kham Magar community. Men, women, and children all gather in the Himalayan regions to collect Yarsagumba (Ophiocordyceps sinensis), as if it were a festival. Yarsagumba, a valuable type of fungus found in the Himalayas, is considered as ‘biological gold’ due to its high demand and exorbitant price. This tradition of Yarsagumba collection started out of necessity for our community, as it provides us with an opportunity to earn significant amounts of money quickly. However, Roshan has experienced that the school does not support him and his peers and parents during the Yarsagumba collection time. Despite its importance to his livelihoods, the school does not provide holidays or accommodations for this important activity. This creates a challenge for him and his peers as they strive to balance their cultural practices and livelihood needs with formal education. He and his peers and parents hope for greater understanding and support from the school in recognizing the significance of our traditions and providing necessary flexibility during this important time for our community.

During the Yarsagumba collection season, our priority is to work hard and collect this valuable resource that can provide us with much-needed economic benefits. We cannot afford to miss out on this opportunity, as it directly impacts our livelihoods and financial well-being. While we value education, we also need to balance it with our traditional practices and livelihood needs. We hope for greater understanding and support from the school in recognizing the significance of Yarsagumba collection to our community’s economic sustainability.

3 Discussion

The purpose of this study was to delve into the perceptions and experiences of the value of school education among the indigenous Kham Magar community. The Kham Magars, who are recognized as “indigenous peoples” or “minorities” by the Nepali government and by the community themselves [10], hold certain expectations and experiences that shape their views on the value of education. These perspectives are in alignment with the Expectation Value theory, which posits that Kham Magar parents assess the value of education in Nepal based on their expectations of the outcomes and the subjective value they assign to those outcomes, as proposed by Eccles et al. [28].

3.1 Expectations of the Kham Magar community for school education

The narratives provided by Pun, Mrs. Keshari, Rajuman, Sombare, and Pradip from the Kham Magar community reveal several expectations from school education. Drawing upon expectation value theory, this study sheds light on the multifaceted expectations of this marginalized indigenous group in Nepal. The qualitative analysis of the narratives highlights that the Kham Magar community places high value on access to high-quality education, increased opportunities for employment, meaningful participation in school activities and governance, respect and appreciation for teachers, and equality in representation and opportunities from the outset. The remarkable efforts and engagement demonstrated by the community in establishing a school, such as building a wooden bridge in a public place over a nearby river to start a primary school in their area, indicate that their own interests guide their educational choices. Kham Magar parents expressed their lack of motivation to send, look at the Kham Magar parents Ratha pondered. The findings of this study challenge the notion put forth by Vroom’s Expectancy Value Theory [33], which suggested that indigenous populations have lower expectations of education compared to other populations. Contrary to this claim, our study reveals that the Kham Magar community, a marginalized indigenous group in Nepal, holds multifaceted expectations from school education and placed a high value on various aspects of education at the beginning.

The Kham Magar community holds teachers in high esteem for their contributions to the education of their children at the beginning. At the same time, they expect that teachers will be caring, dedicated, and committed to their students and their parents. Teachers were expected as catalysts for positive change in the lives of students and society, and the community values their role in fostering positive relationships and earning the trust and admiration of the community. These expectations reflect the community’s aspirations for academic success, economic empowerment, active engagement, and inclusion in decision-making processes. The efforts made by the Kham Magar community in educating their children are in alignment with the expectancy value theory, as they demonstrate a strong belief in their children’s potential to succeed in school and a genuine appreciation for the value of education. Notably, the parents’ initial proficiency in handling the complexities of school education is evident through their dedicated efforts. These findings are consistent with research conducted by Eduardo and Gabriel [36], which emphasizes the necessity of considering unique expectations and needs of indigenous students to foster success in both school and higher education.

However, as time passes and school education fails to meet their expectations, and their children do not reap the anticipated benefits, the parents’ expectations gradually diminish. For instance, Amarsin’s observations revealed a decline in student attendance and irregularity, while Budha’s comment indicated a greater interest in sports over academics. Consequently, Kham Magar parents expressed a reduced motivation to send their children to school, presenting a significant challenge in promoting education within the community. The Kham Magar community evidently places a high value on their traditional agricultural practices, as they provide food security and sustenance. This perspective reflects the delicate balance they except to maintain between preserving their cultural heritage and adapting to the evolving world around them. Bridging this gap and illustrating the long-term advantages of education while still respecting the significance of their agricultural knowledge poses a crucial challenge. It is worth noting that the expectations of the Kham Magar community tend to be more practical than overly ambitious, an important distinction highlighted by [37] when discussing educational expectations. Recognizing and understanding this aspect is vital when addressing their educational aspirations.

Additionally, the Kham Magar community expressed a strong expectation for equal representation and opportunities in the district education board and other decision-making bodies related to education. They sought to be heard and included in the decision-making processes to ensure that their community’s unique needs and aspirations are taken into consideration. This reflects their recognition of the importance of their input in sha** education policies and practices that are relevant to their specific context as an indigenous community. The efforts made by the Kham Magar in school education and their performance highlight their determination and commitment towards education, and their expectations were high in comparison to the benefits they hoped to gain. This underscores the significance of acknowledging and addressing the unique expectations and needs of indigenous communities in order to promote inclusive and equitable education.

3.2 Experiences value of the Kham Magar community in school education

As we discuss above Kham Magar community values school education initially, with high expectations and recognition of its importance. However, the diminishing realization of expected benefits and their practical outlook towards education, along with their focus on preserving traditional agricultural practices, present challenges in promoting and sustaining formal education within the community. Expectancy has subcomponents of effort and performance, where high effort and improved performance lead to higher value [37]. In case of Kham Magar Community, their effort at the beginning do not provide them the benefit as their expectation from school education. Thus, perceived likelihood of achieving a desired outcome from school education does not provide benefits to them which is considered as value [33]. They question the value of education when it does not guarantee immediate tangible benefits such as jobs or food. The strong example is a quote from a parent.

We did not see any benefit in sending our children to school because ‘Ghor ki:da kang e kang Parid dane kata yan? Halo joti mamai mam, padhilekhi Kun kam?’ That is, if we or our children plow the fields, we can get food. If our children go to school, they cannot get a job nor food.

There is question about the participants of parents whether it is genuine or pseudo. Genuine participation is one in which community members are empowered to choose their roles and use real power in decision-making process. Pseudo participants are to inform citizens about decisions, placate their complaints, and manipulate their opinions. The passive participation of parents or their exclusion from decision making process conform that quests towards their interest and participatory approach of management are obstructed by inherently imposed and central aspect of schools and school prejudic. Kham Magar students struggle with academic success due to language barriers as Nepali is not their native language, hindering their understanding of educational content and communication with parents and teachers. The problem implies that there is a policy issue with academic progress for Kham Magar students. The policy issue appears to be a lack of proper language support for Kham Magar pupils, as Nepali, their second language, is a hindrance to their educational progress. This language barrier impairs their comprehension of educational information as well as their ability to communicate effectively with both parents and teachers. For example, Keshari stated if anybody asked them, “Khana khaeu?” (Have you had a meal?) But, when they are asked, “kang na zeora?”? (Where are you from?) Katani Nuhuo? (Go home) they can answer. This finding is consistent with findings of Indigenous Phyak [11] that indigenous people in Nepal have been exploited in terms language, culture, and educational opportunities. Roshan highlighted that in the Secondary During the Education Examination (SEE), the narrator observed that many of his Kham Magar friends struggled to pass or received poor marks in the Nepali subject. Only a few individuals from their community were successful, indicating that the language barrier and lack of support in Nepali instruction negatively impacted Kham Magar students’ academic performance and success rates in the SEE exams. It is rare to see this multilingual and multicultural imagining in public settings, especially in school education in Nepal [5]. However, the participation of indigenous peoples in school design and management has long been a goal of multicultural policy, indigenous peoples’ rights, and reports. Though Constitution of Nepal [3] stated people cannot be treated unfairly because of their language, culture, and ideological orientation, and government of Nepal articulated and has taken the steps towards multicultural policy in public school, it was rare for multilingual and multicultural imagination for these Kham Magar specially in school education. This further emphasizes the importance of inclusive communication channels between parents and teachers to create a conducive learning environment for all students.

Additionally, the participants highlight the challenges faced by Kham Magar community members in pursuing teaching as a profession due to language requirements, higher education certifications, and proficiency in Nepali and English languages. The Kham Magar community values education and aims for its members to become teachers and leaders in the education system. Nevertheless, they face obstacles that impede their ability to meet these expectations and contribute to the education system. Budha’s narrative about Kham Magar children highlights the mismatch between their chosen professions and the school environment, revealing a disconnect between their expectations and reality in schools. While the Kham Magar community values education as a means of personal choice and identification, their children’s experiences do not always align with these expectations, posing challenges in achieving their perceived value of education. Additionally, the community regards the Indian and British armies, as well as the Singapore police force, as dignified professions integral to their social life. The recognition of certain professions as prestigious highlights the need for education systems to provide relevant training and support for individuals pursuing these paths, while also acknowledging the importance of cultural values and traditions in sha** educational and career aspirations.

Indigenous parents and students may have similar expectations of educational success, but if these expectations are not met, motivation may decrease [36]. Regrettably, feedback from teachers, parents, and students revealed that the initial expectations they had of school education were not met, as the school overlooked the deeply-held values of Kham Magar parents pertaining to their language, culture, and profession. Without visible and concrete efforts to integrate Kham Magar culture and knowledge into the formal education system, the risk of cultural loss and disconnection only grows. Rajuman, a teacher, shared his firsthand observations of Kham Magar parents and students in his school and the wider Kham Magar community, recounting that due to their non-educational backgrounds, professions, and cultural context (where illiteracy was prevalent), Kham Magar parents gradually lost hope that their children would acquire the necessary knowledge and skills from formal education to fulfill the demands of their future professional endeavors.

Rajuman, who himself grew up in the same community, reported that the Kham Magar people primarily engaged in agriculture and sought to educate their children to perform jobs related to farming. However, he had a disheartening experience as he observed that the value of schooling was not recognized by many in the community, reflecting a mismatch between the aspirations of the school and the beliefs of the Kham Magar parents. There exists a pervasive negative relationship between Kham Magar children and formal school structure and system of Nepal for reasons that are often rooted in ethnocentrism, coloniality, and the irrelevance of these system to Kham Magar community [50]. Despite having access to school-level education, individuals in the study exhibited a preference for traditional practices that hold cultural and historical significance within their community. These findings align with those of Pariyar [23], indicating that formal education is not necessarily viewed as a means of livelihood or given the same value as traditional vocational pursuits. This underscores the importance of recognizing the diverse values and priorities of different communities, and the need for education systems to incorporate cultural and historical perspectives to better serve their learners. This observation highlights the unintended consequences of development on local communities, necessitating a more holistic approach to ensure inclusive and sustainable development for all. This highlights the need for greater cultural sensitivity and integration of local livelihood practices into the school curriculum to foster a more meaningful and relevant education for the Kham Magar community.

The Indigenous Nationalities Commission researched and made policies for indigenous people, but had limited impact on school education. The government has taken measures to protect indigenous rights. The National Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (NIPRA) safeguards indigenous rights and promotes their development [8]. Expectancy value theory highlights the importance of expectations and perceived benefits in motivating indigenous people towards education. For instance, Kham Magar parents hoped that school education would create more job opportunities for their community, but the outcome partially fell short of their expectations. One parent described how infrastructure development for schools inadvertently reduced employment opportunities for porters, dampening their expectations. The Kham Magar community’s expectations of school education did not always match the benefits received, resulting in diminished motivation to educate their children for various reasons, including some cases where the value was zero. Parents, students, and teachers shared a bond and actively supported their chosen profession. However, despite this, such support is not always feasible due to the central curriculum and examination system’s-controlled mechanism. The passive participation of parents or their exclusion from decision making process conform that quests towards their interest and participatory approach of management are obstructed by inherently imposed and central aspect of schools and school prejudice.

4 Conclusion

This study provides insights into the Kham Magar community’s expectations from school education, highlighting the importance of recognizing community perspectives and teachers’ role in promoting positive change. However, challenges such as language barriers and centralized education hinder community interests. It indicated that the responsibility for recruiting teachers should lie with the local government rather than the Teachers Service Committee at a higher level. In other words, it is not the role of national or centralized system to directly hire or appoint teachers. Instead, this task should be delegated to the local government authorities or educational institutions operating at the community level. By doing so, we can promote educational access, equity, and empowerment among marginalized indigenous groups.

Although non-indigenous authors conducted this study, one of the authors has teaching experience in the Kham Magar area. Future research could benefit from participatory approaches, involving collaborations between researchers and indigenous community members. The Constitution of Nepal 2015 recognizes all languages spoken as mother tongues in Nepal as languages of the nation. This highlights the importance of linguistic diversity and inclusivity in the country, acknowledging its rich cultural and linguistic heritage. However, the extent of official recognition and protection for these languages may require clearer language policies covering education, media representation, government services, and language rights for minority speakers.

However, Nepal can take significant steps towards creating an inclusive and supportive educational environment for indigenous communities like the Kham Magar by implementing bilingual education programs. These programs would use both the indigenous students’ native language (Kham Magar) and Nepali as mediums of instruction while retaining cultural identities. The first step is to provide specialist teacher education for a wide range of linguistic and cultural settings, including language barrier tactics and culturally appropriate teaching strategies. Another crucial aspect is revising the curriculum to incorporate indigenous perspectives, history, and culture. This approach ensures that all pupils are culturally aware and fosters a sense of pride in their heritage. Additionally, encouraging inclusive teaching that is customized to cater to a variety of learning requirements is essential.

Meaningful insights can be gained by involving local communities, parents, and elders in the curriculum development process. Their input can help create more relevant and effective educational content. Furthermore, providing language assistance resources, such as tutors and dictionaries, to both teachers and students can enhance the learning experience. To ensure the effectiveness of language policies, regular study and monitoring should be conducted. This will help assess whether the implemented strategies are achieving the desired outcomes. Finally, promoting language-inclusive practices to politicians, educators, and the general public is crucial in garnering support and understanding for the importance of preserving indigenous languages and cultures within the education system.