1 Introduction

Thirty years ago, the world saw the effects of environmental change like an increase in temperature, and witnessed great awareness of environmental dilemmas such as global warming, population growth, housing problems, resource depletion, waste, and globalization [1]. Since the 1990s, environmental concerns such as resource depletion, the energy crisis, and global warming have been a wakeup call for architects and professionals in the building industries. It was realized that buildings consume the most energy produced in the world [2]. In the contemporary world, architects are actively seeking solutions to minimize the impact of their buildings on the environment, often through expensive and high-tech technology, but have failed to create a significant improvement [2]. Asquith and Vallinga [3] suggested that, in this time of rapid technological development, urbanization, mass consumption, internalization of politics, and wealth, there is still a lot that can be learned from the traditional knowledge, skill, and expertise of vernacular builders around the world. The Local people know how to protect and preserve their environment, which in turn helps them lead their lives. Accordingly, these local people are the first to apply today’s concept of sustainable development in line with the protection of the living atmosphere [1].

Built vernacular heritage implies a responsibility for villagization in the living compound; knowing more about vernacular heritage helps to know the way of preserving and protecting these traditional houses [4]. The motivation to preserve cultural landscapes and build eco-friendly settlements is becoming increasingly vital for survival [3]. Different disciplines, such as anthropology, human geography, architecture, and landscape studies, all recognize the importance of studying traditional house architecture before it loses its material and non-material culture within it [5]. Currently, traditional houses are important because they are built in harmony with the environment, which meets the sustainable development goal of the period [6].

As Philokyprou [6] argued, the contribution of traditional houses to the continuity of society and the environment cannot be doubted. Dealing with the built responses to the social and natural environment can also help in reinterpreting them for contemporary and future designs [5]. Indigenous architectural knowledge and cultural practices have often been linked to a need that is recognized and valued by local societies, namely the balance between humans and nature [5, 6]. This ancient quest for harmony between human beings and their surrounding environment corresponds to what is described today as sustainable development [4].

After the period of industrialization, post-industrialization, or technology, new meanings are added to the discourse of vernacular architecture. Discourses like the issue of identity crisis, uprooting from the original place, and inappropriate developments become hot issues in the discussion podium of traditional houses, which refers to a set of principles, strategies, or priorities aimed at promoting and preserving vernacular architecture and cultural heritage [5, 7]. In Africa, for instance, vernacular architecture is an important component of cultural identity and belief systems and is consistent with climatic conditions. The preservation and promotion of construction techniques using local materials is indeed crucial for sustainable development and cultural heritage preservation. While it is true that this subject has received relatively less attention and study in some regions, efforts are being made worldwide to address this issue and promote the use of homegrown resources for the purpose of building [7]. The built environment of Africa is evolving, as is the socio-cultural value of the people [5].

Similarly, in Ethiopia, which is home to multi-ethnic linguistic and religious groups, eighty percent of the total population settled in the rural parts of the country and lived in vernacular houses [8]. One of these groups is the Gurage, which has its own artistic vernacular architecture and other forms of cultural expression. The Gurage people have a rich architectural history and a diverse range of building styles, which are closely linked with the people’s tradition, culture, and religion and signify their ecology [7, 9].

Unfortunately, this local knowledge is discredited and now has an endangered status. At present, Ethiopia is experiencing different challenges, such as loss of cultural identity, energy crisis, depletion of resources, economic crisis, and unsustainable development, because of internal and external factors [10]. In such cases, as Asquith and Vellinga [3] suggested, there is a need to maintain local cultural identities as well as create environmentally sustainable settlements by taking advantage of the vernacular know-how in both the cultural and environmental fields for the benefit of our future. Challenging the lack of attention towards vernacular houses and discovering the issue is now very crucial. Therefore, rediscovering the skills of traditional builders and related activities in traditional buildings is valuable and necessitates a deeper understanding. Thus, it is important to revisit the strategies in vernacular architecture and emphasize their benefits in minimizing the environmental impacts of construction.

Therefore, this paper examined the wisdom, knowledge, and experiences embedded in vernacular architecture. Moreover, this paper shows how the vernacular architecture of the Gurage communities in particular and Ethiopian traditional vernacular architecture in general could be sustained and utilized for the challenge of the developmental issues of the Ethiopian communities in fostering and attaining the Sustainable Development Goals to be achieved in 2030.

1.1 The objectives of the study

This research aims to examine the knowledge, skills, and experiences of the vernacular architecture of the Gurage communities, and assess its compatibility with a sustainable environment and the future.

1.2 Research questions

Although the study intends to examine information, skills, and experiences related to vernacular architecture among the Gurage communities, as well as assess its compatibility with a sustainable environment and the future, it is guided by and focused on answering and investigating the following questions:

Research question 1: How do the traditional materials, techniques, and social and cultural factors of Gurage influence the production and reproduction of vernacular architecture in the region?

Research question 2: How do the different fabrics of Gurage impact the sustainability and utilization of vernacular architecture in the region?

2 Method

2.1 Description of study area

Administratively, the Gurage Zone is located in the southern parts of Ethiopia. In terms of its geographical coverage, Gurage covers 593 square kilometers out of the total land area of Ethiopia. Based on the data obtained from CSA (Central Statistics Agency), out of the total population of 1340,376 million, the female population is 658,229 and the male population is 622,253 (2007). Predominantly, the populations are agriculturalists, and their daily base food is based on a plant called enset (false banana). A Gurage village is owned by and belongs to members of the local community, occupying a defined area of land whose boundaries are recognized, acknowledged, and respected by other groups living outside of the compound (see Fig. 1). The economic, social, and cultural relations among the villages of Gurage are crucial for fostering the well-being of the community. These relations facilitate the exchange of goods and services, collaboration on agricultural endeavors, and the preservation of shared cultural practices. By nurturing these inter-village relations, a robust and resilient community is formed, capable of flourishing even in the face of adversities [16, 25]. A political unit is formed by a local aggregate of related patrilineal homesteads, the head of which manages internal village matters. The relationships between multiple villages create inter-village politics [9]. The inter-village politics of the Gurage community constitute a complex and dynamic system. This system is influenced by multiple factors, encompassing economics, social structure, culture, and external forces. These interconnected elements shape and contribute to the intricate nature of the inter-village political dynamics within the Gurage community.

Fig. 1
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An administrative map of Gurage zone: Source, GIS, 2022

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2.2 Study design

A qualitative research approach is used to answer the basic research questions of this study; however, concerning the research design, the study employed a phenomenological research design. This design helps the researchers realize the constructed facts of the people that they could construct throughout their lived experiences [13]. The reason to use this research design was to show the lived experience of the Gurage communities and how they are highly attached to vernacular architecture, how they would sustain and utilize the architecture to solve problems they would face in their livelihoods, and how this architecture would be produced and reproduced as a society becomes more and more advanced and complex to adapt to the given environment (adaptive upgrading) in its lived experiences. In relation to the villages under study, the researchers sought guidance from local experts who possess knowledge of the area. With the assistance of these experts, the researchers conducted assessments on the size and population density of the woreda. Based on these assessments, the researchers selected one village per woreda for their study. Consequently, a total of five villages were included in the study. Data were collected, described, and analyzed for the better presentation of the study from different participants such as village elders, Woreda (referring to an administrative division or district) and Kebele (refers to the smallest administrative unit within a woreda) administrators, clan leaders, committee members, farmers, local architects, and youth. In terms of the research approach, in order to generate knowledge from a multiplicity of meanings, this study used a qualitative method.

2.3 Participants

The selection of participants is influenced by the researcher's perspective (the researcher's decision), which is gleaned from personal experience in the research environment. Choosing people that fit established criteria is the model strategy [12]. Since representativeness is not an issue and data saturation is a vital indicator of the sufficiency of the collected data, this research relied on the purposive sampling technique. In other words, the study has employed purposive sampling techniques to obtain data from the required informants in the communities.

This study was focused on the Gurage of Ethiopia, as its vernacular architecture is unique among Ethiopian traditional house types [17]. It has received significant nationwide recognition and awards for its higher architectural quality as a living space [9]. The Gurage region is divided into three parts: North Gurage land (Sodo area), East Gurage land (Meskan area), and West Gurage land (Sebat bête area). This study predominantly focused on five specific villages: Yeferezeye village (Chaha woreda), Gulcho village (Enemor woreda), Shado village (Endegagn woreda), Genab village (Muhir wereda), and Anati village (Buee wereda). These villages were selected due to the high visibility of vernacular habitat production and reproduction within these localities. Since representativeness is not an issue in qualitative research, the study employed the purposive sampling technique to select five study villages from five woredas in Gurage Zone by expert suggestion from the culture, tourism, and communication departments. The study included participants who spent a long period of time (lived between thirty and forty years) around the research site as criteria to participate in the research. The criteria were decided by the researchers to gather vital information about the production and reproduction of vernacular architecture, in addition, explore the day-to-day activities of the participants related to the topic of the planned investigation. The study populations were community members from purposefully selected villages in the Gurage zone. Specifically, it includes village elders, Wereda and Kebele administrators, clan leaders, committee members, farmers, local architects, and the youth.

2.4 Data collection instruments and procedure

The University of Gondar, College of Social Science Institutional Review Board approved and reviewed this study under (004/16/SPH) (POSTGR/091/26/2022). The informed consent written by the university was provided to the informant prior to the basic data collection. The authors, based on the provided inclusion criteria, selected eligible participants for the study. Following that, the eligible participants were asked about their willingness to participate in the study and informed about the objective of the study. The reliability and validity of the data were assured through a briefing of the overall purpose of the study to the participants, and to ensure their confidentiality, the researchers informed them that they could decline participation if they were unwilling to be involved. In the meantime, the researchers provided informed consent for those who are able to write and read; however, they were reading aloud to the participants traced as being illiterate. Following that, they agreed and signed the informed consent after hearing and reading the provided document.

The data collection started in January 2023 and ended in April 2023. As it is known, data saturation in qualitative studies is key; therefore, to get detailed data, this study employed focus group discussion, key-informant interviews, in-depth interviews, observation, and photography as key instruments of data collection. In line with the research topic, this study specifically focused on five villages as primary sites for data collection. These villages include Shado (Endegagn woreda), Yeferezeye (Cheha woreda), Gulcho (Gummer woreda), Genab (Muhir woreda), and Anati (Soddo wereda). The key informant interviews took place with persons selected purposefully from Ethiopia's north, east, and west Gurages. The interviewees were selected purposefully based on their diverse experiences, social status, and knowledge about the history and culture of the Gurage people of Ethiopia, especially with regard to traditional housing practices. The research employed semi-structured interviews, allowing the researchers to offer the interviewees the chance to delve deeper into specific themes or expand upon their responses. Interviews with key informants were conducted for the purpose of eliciting data encompassing descriptions of concerns about vernacular architecture, the way people produce and reproduce traditional houses, architectural knowledge, and architectural cultural values in relation to nature in the study area. For this purpose, the researchers communicated 20 informants from the five study sites (Shado, Yeferezeye, Gulcho, Genab, Anati) and selected four participants from each site. Table 1 illustrates the participant profiles for the three selected locations in Ethiopia's Gurage area, including their age and gender. The interview questions were administered to each participant through one-on-one interviews, which lasted 40–50 min.

Table 1 The participants profiles from selected weredas in the Gurage zone
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Based on the inclusion criteria, this study also employed FGD (Focus group discussions). The purpose of the focused group discussion was to explore the community's deeper perceptions of the traditional house and the ongoing dynamics around local architecture. A total of three focus group discussions were held in this study, with a total of 24 people participating. Each focus group consisted of eight participants. The purpose of these discussions was to examine various factors related to the regional building culture, construction expertise, social interactions, building philosophy, resilience mechanisms, economic practices, and environmental practices. Out of the three focus group discussions, two were exclusively held with male participants, considering their association with architectural knowledge and expertise. The remaining discussion involved female participants, given their significant influence in inspiring individuals involved in architectural work and providing necessary materials for construction. Each focus group discussion had a duration of 60 min. The chosen interview technique for these sessions was the semi-structured interview approach. This approach facilitated the use of a predetermined set of questions by the researchers (moderators), while also allowing flexibility for additional inquiries and discussions as needed.

Non-participant observation was also used in this study to assist researchers in observing and documenting each action and event that occurs in the natural environment of the study location. Besides, it allows for building strong connections and mutual trust with the study participants. Specifically, the researchers employed the method of "participant as an observer," wherein the researcher’s role in the field was that of a full participant in various group contexts that were understudies, but with clear communication of our role as a researcher.

The Gurage vernacular architecture constitutes a captivating environment, characterized by distinctive elements. The researchers conducted observations on every aspect of vernacular architecture in five research sites, namely Shado, Yeferezeye, Gulcho, Genab, and Anati. These observations encompassed the fundamental characteristics of Gurage vernacular architecture, including its form, physical arrangement, decoration, collaborative work, transformation, slaughtering practices, songs, feasts, and rituals. The fieldwork for this study was carried out between January and April 2023, spanning a duration of four months.

Finally, the photography method was employed to comprehend the status of housing tradition, degree of transformation, housing material conditions, and basic material traditions as part of housing components.

2.5 Data analysis

The type of data generated, study design, and methodology used all influence the choice of data analysis approach [11]. Qualitative data analysis is important to provide the social reality of the people under a given study topic. The method is effective in identifying the intangible, socially constructed knowledge of the people. In general, it helps a researcher to describe, explain, examine, and interpret the issue at hand [12].

Since this paper examined the knowledge, skills, and experiences embedded in the vernacular architecture for a sustainable future of the Gurage of Ethiopia, the audio recorded from the informants was transcribed word for word. We have transcribed word by word to look across all the data and then identify the common issues that recur and the main themes that were summarized in the views of study participants. And the data from interviews, FGDs, observation, and photographic methods was analyzed thematically or qualitatively. The reason to choose this method is that, unlike many qualitative methodologies, it is not tied to a particular epistemological or theoretical perspective. This makes it a very flexible method, which is a considerable advantage given the diversity of the participants from whom it was collected.

3 Result

The study results were analyzed qualitatively based on the themes outlined by the study. This research is intended to examine the knowledge, skills, and experiences of the vernacular architecture of the Gurage communities and its compatibility with a sustainable environment and future. Accordingly, this study has included key informant interviews (20), three FGD from the selected sites on the Chaha, Enemor, Endegagn, Muhir, and Buee, and non-participant observation. The data were presented according to the research questions of the study.

3.1 How vernacular architecture is produced and reproduced among the Gurage?

3.1.1 Local building culture

Societies all over the world have succeeded in producing, adapting, and develo** their habitats in accordance with their best of interests to make locally produced materials more accessible [14]. The relationship between local building culture and vernacular architecture is closely intertwined. According to Tilley [21], local culture often influences the choice of materials, construction techniques, and architectural styles in vernacular architecture. For example, in regions abundant with wood resources, vernacular architecture may prominently feature wooden constructions. In hot areas, vernacular architecture might incorporate high ceilings and ample windows to facilitate ventilation. Local culture not only influences the materials and construction techniques but also plays a significant role in sha** vernacular interior design. In regions where extended family gatherings are valued, vernacular interiors are often designed to accommodate large groups. Furthermore, in areas with strong religious traditions, interior decorations may prominently feature religious symbols.

Additionally, [17] suggests that vernacular architecture frequently manifests as "anonymous" architecture, devoid of a specific architect or designer, but rather emerging from the collective skills and practices of a community. Consequently, vernacular architecture serves as a valuable tool for understanding the history and culture of a particular community. Moreover, vernacular architecture often reflects the social and economic circumstances of its builders. In regions with limited land availability, vernacular architecture may exhibit compact and efficient structures. Conversely, areas with a rich heritage of craftsmanship may showcase ornate and decorative vernacular structures [19].

Ethiopia has a long history of habitation in a wide range of pattern of weather condition, employing inventive ways of solving and utilization resources from the nearby forest. Depending on the materials they employed and the climatic conditions, the architectural culture in the various Gurage regions of Ethiopia varies. Based on the insights shared by interview informants and focus group discussion participants, it is evident that the link between vernacular architecture and local culture serves as a reminder that buildings encompass more than mere physical structures—they embody cultural expressions. The selection of materials, construction methods, and architectural designs in vernacular architecture serves like the reflection of the morals, views, and practices of the individuals involved in their construction.

During the fieldwork, the researcher witnesses the diversity of the Gurage vernacular architecture at the study sites. Traditional houses are one of the many great cultural characteristics of the Gurage community. The Gurage community pays significant attention to traditional house and village construction, and it is not an exaggeration to say so. Although the knowledge of modern engineering is a necessary condition for achieving remarkable architectural feats, the community has placed little emphasis on it. Internationally, popular and historical architecture is widely recognized for its immense value in this regard. Traditional houses, villages, and the craftsmanship of housekee** and decoration are particularly noteworthy due to their exceptional artistry in building. An administrative staff member from the Chaha district states that the Gurage reside in settlements that have buildings for various purposes and gardens for cultivation. There is a lawn area and a palisade at the property's entrance. Houses have thatched roofs and a diameter of 6–8 m. The framework is constructed from wood and filled with Chikka (Mud that is used to build a house). A collective effort led by local architects enabled the construction of the homes. A classic home can stand unharmed for between 100 and 120 years.

Historically, the Gurage housing tradition has received significant nationwide recognition and awards for its superior architectural quality as a living space during the imperial period [23]. This recognition was reiterated during the Derge period's villagization program, where it was acknowledged as providing quality living, working, and social service provision spaces [22, 24]. However, today, the indigenous architectures that hold important cultural and socio-ecological significance for the Gurage people are rapidly disappearing. This is primarily due to local resource constraints and risks, as well as increased competition among villagers for iron corrugated houses, which are considered a symbol of wealth in urban cities. Furthermore, absence of understanding about the value of indigenous architectures and housing within the context of globalization is prevalent.

A source from Gulcho village (Gummer wereda) indicates that currently, there were growing concerns in preserving traditional Gurage vernacular architecture. This is partly driven by the increasing recognition of the cultural and environmental value inherent in these houses. Numerous organizations are now actively working to document and promote traditional Gurage vernacular architecture, and some communities have even started rebuilding traditional houses (see Fig. 2).

Fig. 2
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The traditional way of building the house and the transformed one: photos by the researchers, 2023

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A Gurage's house is not just a thatched building that provides a man and his family with the bare necessities of shelter; rather, it is a meticulously crafted piece of artwork that draws on the talents of multiple professionals, most notably Fuga (Marginalized people in the Gurage community) [9]. Both the structure of the house and the process of building it symbolize key values and basic assumptions about people.

3.1.1.1 Preparation

When it comes to the construction of a house, the interior design is meticulously completed by the handicrafts that the Guruge experts create with great care and concern, especially by using materials known as Snededo (a grass used to cover the traditional housing roof), clay, wood products, fiber, and rope, as well as animal by-products like leather and horn. Materials made from tails and related materials are placed properly and artistically and used as needed. The task of gathering various types of wood and partitioning the area selected for the home is completed first when planning to construct a typical Gurage house.

According to an elderly man, no lazy man can build a Gurage house because leveling the ground where the house is built, gathering logs and other sticks to tie horizontally on the pillars, digging holes where poles will be placed (Messo), gathering grass for thatching, preparing mud to smear the house with, and gathering cow dung and lime used for final plastering are some of the labor-intensive tasks. In Gurage's house, hundreds of bamboos are used to make walls.

Before the construction started, there were masters who chose the preferred place for the house, locally known as shemene (knowledgeable elders). In the construction process, this stage is very crucial for the people of Gurage. The Gurage believes that, if someone builds his or her house without consulting Shemene, the house may not be durable or the place may discomfort the owners. That is why an informant from Muhir district said: . From many, an individual is chosen for a position, and in the same vein, from plenty of land, a piece of land is chosen for construction. Similarly, an in-depth interview participant from Yeferezeye village regarding site selection for the construction of a house stated as follows:

figure b

The above speaker (from Chaha wereda) states his view in the federal language of Ethiopia about how people of Gurage are curious about selecting the proper place for constructing their houses. Accordingly, the informant describes that a traditional Gurage house is constructed without the aid of modern technology and is shaped like a circle to symbolize life. If we look at the many arts, the entire circle represents equality in life. It represents justice and eternity. The design of the Gurage home also suggests this. This circular building is supported by a large pillar (Meseso), indicating that it is the originator of the basis of life. Everything begins with the pillar (Meseso); therefore, the standing of the house would be worthless without it.

The Gordet (pot) in the center of the house is another object that is fashioned in a circle and symbolizes life. They use the fire that comes from this circular area to heat and light the house at night. The flames are alive. When nightfall came and the mother got tired, she put the fire in the hole in the center and covered part of the coals with ashes. This process of enfeebling is carried out to prevent the spread of fire throughout the entire house. The following day, additional woods are added to facilitate easy ignition. The people perceive this process as symbolically connected to the cycle of life.

3.1.2 The construction skill

The Construction Skill of Vernacular Architecture refers to the expertise and abilities required to successfully construct buildings in the vernacular or traditional architectural style [22]. It encompasses a range of specialized skills and knowledge specific to the construction techniques, materials, and design principles associated with vernacular architecture [24]. This section elucidates the preparation and skills involved in the construction of vernacular architecture. It delves into various aspects such as traditional construction techniques, material selection and application, consideration of the local context, attention to detail and craftsmanship, and the cultural and historical significance of vernacular architecture.

The term tuqul in Guragegna (the local language) refers to the traditional grass-thatched house that is used for Gurage. It is a component of Gurage, Ethiopia's culture, and an emblem. A circular tuqul house made entirely of natural materials, including wood, grass, bamboo, and rope fashioned from the dried section of an enset (false banana), is constructed in the traditional manner. The home was constructed with traditional Gurage master builders (Kene) to a high standard. Due to its exceptional construction quality, the Gurage traditional house received recognition at the national housing expo in Addis Ababa in 1955.

The center pillar (Meseso) of the house must be transported and assembled by numerous villagers due to its length and size. Solidarity, interdependence, and cooperative values are necessary for this. Typically, a bull is butchered, and local beer is served to celebrate this important accomplishment. Labor Day is a holiday as well. After these procedures are finished, the locals execute the necessary work at each level under the direction of a traditional carpenter. They also use a string (Sibago) to strengthen the wall joist when attaching the roof and wall joists together using a rope. A group also does roofing. It requires precisely attaching beams across vertical poles after lifting poles to the top of the home. One or two people cannot do such a laborious task. Once the walls and roof were complete, they covered them with various types of local grass (Sare). Plastering the wall differs according to the type of wood that was used to create the house in each location. As one of the informants states, "It takes about 1–2 years to construct the house". The enormous central pillar (Meseso) symbolizes the power of the male family to lead men in society. The man sits there, leans back, and issues crucial orders for running the family.

During the first focused group discussion (FGD), informants stated the size, number, and quality of the house. Depending on the quality of the construction materials, the house might endure up to fifty years or more and only need a new roof every ten to fifteen years. This practice is attributed to the Gurage community's utilization of a distinctive type of grass called sembelet. Traditionally, individuals would allocate one to two hectares of land for cultivating this particular grass, which served as a source of income (see Fig. 3). However, in recent times, many farmers have been compelled to convert grasslands into croplands as per government directives.

Fig. 3
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A land covered with grass used for thatching: photos by the researchers, 2023

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There are equal numbers of houses, ranging in size from four to twelve meters in circumference. Families often have three homes of varying sizes and uses, although poor families may only have one. The primary residence of the family, which also houses their cows and other animals, including sheep, goats, and chickens, is the first home, known as Goye (the largest house). The medium-sized house, known as Harar, serves as the visitors' sitting area. The third and smallest house is called Zeger, and it serves as a kitchen and a place to prepare meals. Moreover, the informants in the FGD dictate that the building of Gurage homes involves a lot of female labor. They are in charge of procuring the supplies, making food for the workers, and cleaning up the construction site once it is finished. They frequently assist with transporting bricks and mixing mud during construction. Along with their practical contributions, women are crucial in the social and cultural facets of building a home. They frequently sing and dance while they work; creating a joyful environment that inspires the employees. In general, the role of women in the construction of Gurage houses is a reflection of their central role in Gurage society (see Fig. 4).

Fig. 4
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Women's preparation of meals for people engaged in building traditional housing: Photos by the researchers, 2023

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Once the house is constructed and divided into its various rooms, such as a guest room for occasional holiday celebrations, a kitchen, and an area designated for animals, traditional items are displayed on the walls. These items often include conventional appliances like platters, coffee pots, and plates for row meat, and bags (refer to Fig. 5). In certain regions, a family may possess up to three traditional dwellings, each serving a distinct purpose and varying in size.

Fig. 5
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Appliances which are hung on the walls: photos by the researchers, 2023

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3.1.3 Social interaction in the process of construction

Social interaction is of utmost importance in the process of constructing vernacular architecture. It entails the active involvement and cooperation among different parties, such as local communities, architects, craftsmen, and builders [26]. This social aspect encompasses effective communication, active participation, and joint decision-making, all of which contribute significantly to the successful execution of vernacular architecture projects [26]. Asquith [3] argue that citizen engagement has been a significant aspect of construction in numerous vernacular villages and buildings worldwide. Such approaches were deeply rooted in regional customs and practices. Furthermore, international conferences and organizations are progressively advocating for participatory methods in decision-making processes concerning housing, urban planning, environmental conservation measures, and public health.

A Gurage village is similar to a large family where everyone must work together. Without the assistance of others, a family could not survive on its own. Building dwellings, growing and harvesting enset, and raising animals are all communal undertakings. Since it was difficult to obtain money, the traditional village's primary economy was based on the labor of the residents. As a result, they gather to work; this activity is known locally as ghaze, which literally translates to "You came to help me, and then I will come to help you." In this context, Asquith and Vellinga [3] also highlight that local craftsmen, drawing upon their experience and the knowledge passed down through generations, constructed the buildings with the assistance of certain individuals from the community. According to an elderly man, the people of Gurage are interdependent; it is common to help in agricultural activities in terms of cash and frequently cattle, aid in the construction of homes, and take part in weddings and life rituals. The rich and the poor both contribute equally to the village's survival. In the process of construction, social cohesion, bonding, and harmony in the community are encouraged. To illustrate more of this idea, one of the FGD participants from Muhir district said:

figure c

The FGD informant presents his view in Amharic (the local language) about the Gurage culture of cooperative work. According to the informant, no village could survive for very long without the community network that surrounds it and the organized kin relationships that exist within it. Those who act in a different way may be subject to punishment, which could include exclusion from all forms of collaboration. The residents of Gurage have a strong sense of community that permeates every aspect of daily life. Gurage's philosophy of the world is founded on the adage "I am because we are." For the Gurage people, the worst thing in life is loneliness, which can be expressed in a variety of ways. The inhabitants of Gurage are part of an intricate web of social and economic ties that develop from village affiliation or neighbourhood (see Fig. 6).

Fig. 6
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Cooperative works during house construction: photos by the researchers, 2023

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The majority of participants in FGD 1 session discussed their belief that changes in material costs and government land policies would bring about a transformation in the traditional house-building process. However, participants from the tourism office expressed a different viewpoint. According to the tourism official, building traditional houses is considered part of a cultural renaissance at present. They mentioned that previously, the majority of the neighborhood constructed iron shed homes, but now they are reverting back to the more conventional style. The tourism department values this shift.

3.1.4 Philosophy of living with animals

Interestingly, humans live in the same house with cattle, chickens, utensils, goats, sheep, and calves [9]. This illustrates that there is no distinction between humans and other created objects in the African worldview. The house presents a living, dynamic environment in which humans coexist with other organisms rather than being the center of the cosmos. A vision like this maintains cosmic equilibrium and harmony. In this manner, an informant from Chaha district said as follows:

figure d

The informant presents his view in Amharic (the local language) about the relationship between humans and cattle. When someone wants to cultivate enset (false banana) or coffee, it is a must to have cattle because the enset or coffee is cultivated by the manure of the cattle. Based on the informant's view, it is unthinkable to cultivate plants in the nearby field without domesticating cattle. For Guage, cultivation and domestication are inseparable. Moreover, [16] argues that the people of Gurage had rare cattle when they built their houses for the sake of enset (false banana) cultivation. The manure (the dung) is used as fertilizer, and the product is always served as food.

3.2 How vernacular architecture is sustained and utilized?

Local building culture played a significant role in responding to the current world situation in terms of the economy and addressing environmental effects in a variety of ways [14]. In the context of Ethiopia, historically, Ethiopian people have built their houses in the traditional way for the purpose of living. Still, more or less, the Ethiopian government has followed the same path for a century [8]. In the following section, the researchers explore different local practices that foster the sustenance of the Gurage building tradition.

3.2.1 Socio-cultural practices fostering resilience

Open spaces are crucial for the interaction of the community. During the construction of houses in a specific settlement, the villagers intentionally left spaces known locally as "Jefore" (public spaces) (see Fig. 7). In Guragegna (the local language of Gurage), the term jefore is used to refer to open space in front of the villages that serve as places of social, cultural, and spiritual life. The bridegroom's escorts and parties honor each other with songs and poems during the wedding ceremony as one of the services Jefore is offering to the community, which has been honored with this promise. It is a well-liked location for brides to display their finery and beauty and to be graduated by elders, mothers, and fathers.

Fig. 7
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Jefore of the Gurage communities: Photos by the researchers, 2023

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Additionally, throughout the period of grief, both riders and pedestrians observe mourning at the same location. Elders also speak with one another about their social lives and everyday living situations, as well as about places where the traditional court system is in place, where a passenger can go without incident, and where kids can play. An informant from Buee Wereda states that since Jefore (see Fig. 7) has been offering a variety of services to the community for many years, it is unacceptable in any way to fence it and turn it into a private garden (see Fig. 8). Instead, they contribute one meter of their own land whenever they give birth, with the aim of expanding the space for children. It should be noted that Fig. 5 illustrates the one meter of space provided through the house owners' contribution in Jefore. The measurement of one meter of space begins with a small stick placed in front of the house.

Fig. 8
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A one-meter space in Jefore provided by the owners when there are newborn babies: Photos by the researchers, 2023

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3.2.1.1 Religious belief

The Gurage people, an ethnic group in Ethiopia, consist primarily of Orthodox Christians, Sunni Muslims, Catholics, and indigenous religious believers [22]. Their religious beliefs significantly influence the design of their vernacular houses and settlements [16]. In Yeferezeye village (Cheha wereda), an important religious belief that shapes Gurage housing is their reverence for fire. Fire is considered a symbol of purity and cleanliness, as well as a means to ward off evil spirits. Consequently, Gurage houses always incorporate a centrally located fireplace known as "Gordet" (firework) in the main room. The fireplace serves multiple purposes, including cooking, heating, lighting, and spiritual protection (refer to Fig. 9).

Fig. 9
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Gordet (fireplace): Photos by the researchers, 2023

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Another significant religious belief influencing Gurage housing is their emphasis on ancestor worship. The Gurage believe that their ancestors continue to watch over them from the spirit world, leading them to construct shrines witdhin their homes to honor their ancestors [16, 22]. These shrines, often adorned with religious symbols and offerings, are typically small in size. Alongside these religious beliefs, the Gurage follow cultural practices that shape the construction of their houses. Mud bricks and thatch are commonly used materials, and colorful paintings often adorn the houses. Additionally, the houses feature high roofs, believed to allow smoke from the fireplace to escape and prevent the entry of evil spirits.

In terms of rituals, [27] argue that homes can be sanctified through ceremonial practices. Among the Gurage, rituals are performed during the selection of the foundation, commencement of construction, and completion of the house to imbue it with sacredness. Some individuals even seek the counsel of witches for these tasks. For example, blood may be smeared on the door and pillar upon completion of construction to enhance the sanctity of the house. Symbolic decorations, such as horns on pillars or leather denoting the bravery of the homeowner, and crosses representing religious beliefs, are also employed to adorn their homes.

Based on their world view, the people of Gurage's social interaction is framed by their belief in God, commonly named Egzer. Religious belief has a great influence on people's social lives and their behavior towards nature. Among the Gurage, there is a belief that God (Egzer) observes all their behavior and conduct towards fellow human beings and nature. This in turn brings blessings or curses, and the effect goes to the next generation. In general, the Gurage people’s social behavior is accountable to Egzer (God). This belief, custom, or traditional rule among the Gurage of Ethiopia helps to ensure harmony between the people's conduct, their daily lives, and nature, most commonly called Anke.

3.2.1.2 Anke (customary law)

The basic aim of the Gurage Kitcha (Gurage customary law, rules of justice, and governance) is to ensure social harmony among individuals, clans, and sub-groups. The Gurage judicial procedure primarily focuses on investigating the offended party and the offender, aiming to establish peace, reconciliation, and justice rather than condemnation [16]. The Gurage people of Ethiopia have a rich and longstanding tradition of constructing houses and settlements. Local law codes have their own function in regulating the construction process and ensuring the safety and sustainability of the houses. According to key informants and participants in focused group discussions, one crucial aspect of Gurage local law codes is the requirement to adhere to geomancy in house construction. Geomancy is a divination system that harnesses the natural energy of the earth to create harmonious and auspicious spaces. The Gurage believe that houses built in accordance with geomancy are more likely to foster prosperity and good health.

Another significant element of Gurage local law codes is, it enforce to use specific locally produced construction resources such as eucalyptus trees, bamboo, enset products, and grass. These materials possess excellent insulating properties, hel** to maintain comfortable temperatures inside the houses throughout different seasons. The Gurage people also exercise caution when choosing the location for their houses. They avoid building on land considered sacred or believed to be inhabited by malevolent spirits. Additionally, they steer clear of areas prone to flooding or landslides.

The local laws of the Gurage community have an impact on ensuring safe and sustainable houses. These norms reflect the ancient knowledge and wisdom of the Gurage people and have contributed to the development of a unique and captivating architectural culture.

3.2.2 Economic practices

In most cases, the advantages for rural residents outweigh the higher cost of building materials compared to industrial products. In rural banking, these materials are gathered. For example, in Newfoundland fishing communities, there is a long-standing tradition of gathering building materials from the local surroundings and utilizing them to construct houses. This approach proves socially beneficial, economically viable, and environmentally responsible, particularly suited to the challenging climate of Newfoundland [28]. According to [28], wood, stone, and grass are the most common building materials employed in Newfoundland fishing settlements. Wood, readily available and versatile, is utilized for flooring, siding, roofing, and framing. Stone, a durable material, withstands the harsh weather conditions and is abundant in many regions of Newfoundland. Additionally, turf, a groundcover found in bogs and marshes, serves as a lightweight and insulating material that is easy to work with.

The practice of gathering local resources for house construction not only demonstrates environmental friendliness but also provides numerous social and cultural advantages. The necessity of cooperation fosters a sense of community if cultural ways of building are promoted. Physically constructing their homes using locally sourced materials also establishes a connection between the inhabitants and the earth [28].

Economically speaking, the majority of the resources required to create vernacular habitats come directly from the environment in the area, and the money spent on these technical solutions is money that is immediately put into the local economy. An elder informant of Chaha district described the situation as follows:

In terms of economy, construction materials such as wood, grass, rope, and bamboo are collected from neighbors in the form of reciprocity, and there is no cost for materials and labor (see Fig 10).

Fig. 10
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A collection of wood for building a house: Photos by the researchers, 2023

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As a result of the government's development discourse, the majority of Ethiopian territories are covered with crop products without letting a piece of land be used for construction materials. That is why the people are looking for alternative materials for the purpose of construction (see Fig. 2). Unlike other Ethiopian communities, the Gurage community still gives due emphasis to local construction materials. In this regard, the elder (an informant from Buee wereda) confirms that though the government ordered them to cover all land with crop products, they still cover some of their land with eucalyptus trees and grass for thatching.

3.2.3 Environmental practices

In connection with the natural condition, vernacular houses emit no emissions, which is vital for living. People's lives are characterized by interrelatedness and connectedness with nature, and nature in general plays an important role in their lives. When Gurage began to think about how to construct the house, they also considered how to balance the climate, plus the circular nature of the house is preferred among Gurage to balance nature. The enset plant, the coffee tree, and the forest provide food, medicine, and materials for building.

There are rules and regulations to maintain the ecology and socio-cultural activities of the Gurage. The customary pledge known as Gurda is a significant factor in the traditional Gurage's ongoing environmental preservation. As [16] confirmed, for African men, environmental abuse is not only a moral offense; it is also an offense against God and human life. The same is true for the Gurage of Ethiopia; they believe that an abuse of nature is an abuse of sacred life, and then it is an abuse of God. The elder (the in-depth from Buee wereda) states, "We pray for nature before we cut trees and grasses for the construction of the house and give thanks to nature and bless it. Even though we do not cut trees at any season, there are seasons when it is preferred to cut trees". In general, the Gurage stood for social, cultural, economic, and environmental concern, which in turn helps to tackle different challenges that people encounter like identity crises, economic crises, and environmental challenges.

4 Conclusion and discussion

The paper aimed to examine experiences related to local building traditions among Gurage, southern Ethiopia, through a qualitative study that included observation, key informant interviews, and focused group discussions with participants from five villages of the Gurage. Throughout the paper, two topics are examined: (1) production and reproduction of vernacular architecture of the Gurage, southern Ethiopia (2) the sociocultural, economic, and environmental practices that foster the sustenance of vernacular architecture. Concerning the local building culture, the Gurage house is not just a thatched building that provides a man and his family with the bare necessities of shelter; rather, it is a meticulously crafted piece of artwork that draws on the talents of multiple professionals, most notably Kene (a local architect in Jefore) and Fuga. Both the structure and the process of building the house symbolize the key values and basic assumptions about the people. In the same vein, vestiges of social, ritual, and spiritual values are embedded in the traditional form of vernacular architecture. In this regard [17], mentioned vernacular architecture as a communicative means like language, which reflects the local fabrics. In a housing study in Eastern Black Sea region [20], argues that houses are constructed not only to satisfy individual’s needs but rather as a reflection of the socio-cultural and emotional fabrics of the society. Concerning the second research question, which is how vernacular architecture is sustained and utilized, as [20] states, transferring vernacular skills and practices from the distant past to the present and the next generation requires compatibility with nature, the atmosphere, and societies. This research has confirmed that the Gurage built their house in accordance with the society’s interests throughout history. They construct their houses with the same structure as ancient communities. Socio-cultural, religious, economic, and environmental practices foster resilience for the sustenance of the tradition at the study site. Believes, customs, or traditional rules help the people ensure harmony between people and nature. Similarly [6], argues that myths and ancestral values play a significant role in vernacular architecture. Customs and traditional rules passed down from the ancestors guide and regulate the building norms and constructions in vernacular architecture practices. The finding also demonstrates that females perform their task during Gurage house construction. They are responsible for tasks such as supply procurement, food preparation, site cleanup, brick transportation, and mud mixing. Moreover, their involvement extends to the social and cultural aspects of homebuilding, as they sing and dance while working, creating a joyful atmosphere that inspires others. This highlights the central role of women in Gurage society, as their participation in home construction reflects their significance and importance. In the same vein [22], argue that women in the Gurage have a huge contribution in the construction of their buildings through emotional support and providing significant advice. Economically, the locals used a rural banking system to collect construction materials and labor. In the construction process, reciprocity is common. Reciprocity activities are common both in construction tools and materials, and they are also common in labour [18]. In the case studies of Afghanistan and Iran [15] clearly shows the advantage of cooperative work and its advantage in constructing economical and affordable houses. Moreover [21], compared old and contemporary Qatari building materials and concluded that the materials used in the old construction are natural products that improve the building's air conditioning while improving sustainability features such as economics. Environmentally, the life of Gurage is highly interconnected with nature, and nature in general plays an important role. There is a customary pledge called gurda to preserve the environment. The people use simple technologies in their construction with a lower environmental impact; the materials they use are natural and climate-responsive. In the same vein [20], in his case study of the Eastern Black Sea, discusses the importance of utilization of easily produced local material supplies in enhancing environmental sustainability. In the study, it is also observed that the socio-economic, environmental concerns in the building culture of the locals meet the pillar of sustainability. In general, the transformation of local skill sensibility from earlier periods to the current and coming generations is, as [20] confirms, characterized by a profound regard for nature, the environment, and people. Lastly, we suggest that it is important to express concern over the future of our environment and culture in regard to climate change, scarcer resources, a growing population, and the identity crisis. It needs discussion among researchers and architects about the role that vernacular tradition plays in meeting the needs of the century. Furthermore, this study on the vernacular architecture of Gurage, Ethiopia has several implications for future design. These implications include the following:

  • The importance of sustainability: vernacular architecture demonstrates a high level of sustainability as it utilizes local materials and techniques that are specifically adapted to the local climate and environment. This aspect serves as a valuable lesson for future design endeavors, emphasizing the need for increased sustainability.

  • The importance of community: vernacular architecture is typically constructed by and for the community, reflecting their unique needs and values. This aspect provides a valuable insight for future design, promoting a more community-oriented approach.

  • The importance of aesthetics: vernacular architecture exhibits inherent beauty through the utilization of simple forms and materials, harmoniously arranged. This aspect serves as a valuable lesson for future design, encouraging a greater emphasis on aesthetics.

5 Limitation of the study

This study has relied on the peripheral parts of the Gurage communities, such as Chaha, Enemor, Endegagn, Muhir, and Buee. The researchers thought the traditional housing forms and their mainstream vernacular were found without beverages in those rural parts. However, the distance between those study sites was one of the challenges that deterred the researchers from having frequent contact for longer than the planned time. Moreover, there was scarce literature that was conducted concerning the traditional housing architecture at the study places; therefore, it was challenging to check the reliability and integrate the findings with the local research. Moreover, the participants had no experience being interviewed. As the pmed the investigators, they had little or no experience having a face-to-face discussion with them; thus, some participants were not willing to provide the required information due to fear, and they were not confidential with us until we told them the objectives of the study, and we were not planning to harm them or protect the anonymity of each involved participant. It was a bet that influenced the external validity of the study.