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War Memories and Japan’s Security Culture in the Context of the Security Bills: Survey Study

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Abstract

The Japanese government led by Shinzo Abe passed the Security Bills in 2015. The passage of these bills drastically changed Japan’s passive stance in the security arena. Utilizing the context surrounding the Security Bills in Japan, the present research examines Japanese citizens’ attitudes and behavior toward security issues. In addressing this matter, this study focuses on the roles of war memories in Japanese society. Recognizing that war memories constitute an essential element of Japanese society in the post-World War II era, I present two hypotheses. First, one can expect that those who are deeply immersed in war memories tend to be opposed to the Security Bills. Second, it is possible to hypothesize that those who are extensively exposed to war memories tend to discuss security issues more actively. To test these hypotheses, I conduct an original survey in Japan that is specifically tailored for this study. A statistical analysis relying on the survey data verifies the second hypothesis although it fails to support the first one. By dissecting the processes through which war memories shape Japanese citizens’ attitudes and behavior in the security arena, this study significantly advances our understanding of Japan’s security culture. Findings from the statistical analysis generate critical implications that are essential in understanding the current discourse over security issues in Japan.

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Notes

  1. The focus of these previous studies tends be on elites’ perceptions rather than public preferences. I thank an anonymous reviewer for suggesting this point.

  2. Institutional Review Board (IRB) at University of Nebraska-Kearney (IRB#: 042,220–1).

  3. Nihon Keizai Shimbun [28] asked a similar question to measure Japanese citizens’ views on the Security Bills.

  4. The option “Don’t know/ refuse to answer” was coded as a missing value. I applied this rule to all of the questions in this study.

  5. A survey about peace [52, Q4] asked a similar question about peace. In addition to the question above, this study asked the following question: “How often do you express your opinions to your friends and/or colleagues?” The statistical analysis using this question revealed essentially the same results as the question tap** respondents’ behavior with family.

  6. Because Murakami’s [49] study is one of the few attempts that systematically investigate how Japanese citizens learn about World War II, I chose to adopt these questions. Murakami [49] examines what respondents think is a good way of learning about World War II. According to Assmann [53, p. 126], the first two questions tap into “communicative memory,” which captures “varieties of collective memory that are based exclusively on everyday communications.” The last two questions gauge “cultural memory” which “is exteriorized, objectified, and stored away in symbolic forms that, unlike the sounds of words or the sight of gestures, are stable and situation-transcendent” [54, pp. 110–111]. It is important to measure these two forms of memory in Japan. I thank an anonymous reviewer for suggesting this point. Although Murakami [49] analyzes war memories among Japanese students by relying on surveys, he does not explore the impact of war memories on individuals’ policy preferences. The goal of the present research is to extend Murakami’s [49] work.

  7. Frequency distributions for these variables are shown in the Appendix Table 4.

  8. One may suggest that types of media may affect Japanese citizens’ perceptions of security issues. Yet, trying to account for different media outlets can complicate the statistical analysis. Therefore, this study captures how individuals in Japan are exposed to war stories through the media in general.

  9. Critics may point out the possibility of an endogeneity problem. However, studies have widely shown the importance of peace museums in enhancing Japanese citizens’ awareness to peace [63, 64]. Furthermore, a large portion of visitors to peace museums are students who visit these museums as part of their school trips [39, pp. 175–176]. Since this is required for students, one can assume that the causal arrow runs from peace museums to Japanese citizens’ orientations toward defense issues. Finally, it is important to note that school trips tend to choose museums that focus on peace while avoiding museums that display nationalistic tendencies [39, pp. 175–176].

  10. The Pew Research Center measures how respondents feel about the Chinese military [72, Q42]. Also, the Pew Research Center taps into people’s threat perceptions of North Korea in terms of its nuclear weapons program [73].

  11. Gender is coded so that 1 signifies male respondents and 0 females.

  12. I operationalized this variable so that higher numbers indicate older respondents.

  13. I coded this variable so that higher numbers indicate higher educational attainments among respondents.

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    Satoshi Machida

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Appendix

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Table 4 Descriptive statistics for war stories
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Machida, S. War Memories and Japan’s Security Culture in the Context of the Security Bills: Survey Study. East Asia 40, 57–79 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12140-022-09391-4

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