Introduction

An organizational problem shared by street gangs, organized criminals, and extremist groups alike is the need to find trustworthy, loyal, and capable members within an environment marked by conditions of illegality, the use of violence, and risk of infiltration (Densley 2013). To date, research has documented how different deviant groups deal with these organizational challenges, for instance by focusing on how young people join gangs (Bolden 2013; Densley 2018), by examining the recruitment and involvement mechanisms into organized crime (Van Koppen 2013; Comunale et al. 2020; Calderoni et al. 2022; Adamse et al. forthcoming), and by shedding light on the entry mechanisms into radical and extremist groups (De Bie 2016; Van San 2018).

Of central importance in studies into involvement mechanisms of different deviant groups is the issue of trust (Von Lampe and Johansen 2004; Zaitch 2005). Although the term is omnipresent in criminological research, Von Lampe and Johansen (2004) state that the conceptualization of trust in these studies is “loose”, “imprecise”, and “vague”. Often used is Gambetta’s (2000: 2017) operationalization that takes trust to refer to “a particular level of the subjective probability with which an agent assesses that another agent or group of agents will perform a particular action”, something that extends to situations before someone can monitor such action, but also in “a context in which it affects his own action”. Looking at criminal collaborations, trust acts as a risk-minimizing strategy and is seen as “an important feature for successful business performance” (Zaitch 2005: 218) and the continuity of these (criminal) groups (Catino 2020; Reuter and Paoli 2020; Varese 2020).

Outlaw biker clubs face similar organizational challenges when it comes to finding new members. Recently, many European countries have witnessed a steep rise in the number of outlaw biker clubs and the number of individuals affiliated to these clubs (Klement 2016; Blokland et al. 2017a). There are various ideas about how individuals get involved in outlaw biker clubs, ranging from active recruitment by outlaw biker clubs, gradually growing into the club via pre-existing social ties, to a person’s own initiative to join (Barker 2015; Blokland et al. 2017b; Van Deuren et al. 2021b; Wolf 1991). The current empirical knowledge regarding the involvement mechanisms in outlaw biker clubs is, however, limited. Much of the problem stems from a lack of qualitative data in which the perspectives of outlaw biker club members are included. With a few exceptions (see for example, Boland et al. 2021; Dowling et al. 2021; Kuldova 2018; Thompson 1967; Veno 2009; Wolf 1991), the closed-off nature of outlaw biker clubs resulted in previous studies predominantly relying on publicly available data, police registration data or interviews with official authorities (Barker and Human 2009; Blokland and David 2016; Van Deuren 2023; Van Ruitenburg 2020).

The present study builds on and extends prior outlaw biker club research. Drawing on Von Lampe’s (2016) framework to study criminal groups, we argue that outlaw biker clubs can be considered as associational structures. Through this theoretical framework, we examine which entry mechanisms are common among Dutch outlaw biker clubs and how individuals become full-patched members of these clubs. Instead of describing the outlaw biker club subculture from the outside, this study makes use of unique data from 24 in-depth interviews with current members of the Dutch Hells Angels Motorcycle Club (MC), hence examining the entry mechanisms into this group from within.

After addressing the previously proffered theoretical notions on associational structures and the concept of trust in building (criminal) relations, we elaborate upon the method that we have used and present the findings of the interviews with members of the Dutch Hells Angels. We show how individuals enter the outlaw biker scene by distinguishing between two different (pre-)membership periods: prior to membership and during the initiation period. In both phases, we focus on the organizational challenge of finding trustworthy, loyal, and suitable new members. Finally, in the last section of this article, we summarize the main findings of the study, elaborate upon the (theoretical) implications of the results, and discuss the avenues for future research.

Outlaw biker clubs as associational structures

Recently, Von Lampe (2016) provided an analytical framework to study criminal groups. The framework distinguishes between entrepreneurial, associational, and quasi-governmental structures. Entrepreneurial structures aim for illegitimate material gain by providing their members with economic opportunities. In contrast to entrepreneurial structures, associational structures primarily serve social functions. The structure supports members’ illegal activities by, for example, facilitating communication and providing mutual support. Quasi-governmental structures, lastly, have a more protective and regulatory function. The structure supports illegal activities by establishing and enforcing rules of conduct and regulating disputes in a specific territory or market (Von Lampe 2016).

Examples of associational structures, according to Von Lampe (2016), include mafia-type organizations, but also groups rooted in legitimate society, such as friendship networks and outlaw biker clubs. Associational structures differ from entrepreneurial structures in the sense that the former is not focused on profit-making crime per se. Membership of an associational criminal structure may function to facilitate individual criminal behavior indirectly, by reinforcing criminal norms and by providing access to criminal contacts and information about criminal opportunities, without this being the main goal (Von Lampe 2016). Moreover, associational structures may feature an internal hierarchy, with different roles and codes of membership, including provisions on how one becomes a member. One important function of associational structures is that they provide their members with a sense of belonging and promote feelings of solidarity and trust (Paoli 2003).

Outlaw biker clubs share many characteristics of associational structures, including a high number of criminally inclined members, a formal organizational structure, and a clear division of labour (Barker 2015). Most outlaw biker clubs are modelled after the military-like structure introduced by the American Hells Angels and besides hangarounds, prospects, and full-patched members, include roles such as a president, vice-president, sergeant-at-arms, road captain, and treasurer. Outlaw biker clubs are furthermore officially registered legal organizations in which like-minded individuals may come together, not so much with the intend to commit crime, but for reasons such as male bonding, a sense of belonging, and mutual support (Von Lampe 2016). Outlaw biker clubs foster mutual trust among their members in – at least – three ways: homogeneity in outlaw biker club membership, the initiation period, and continuous interaction between outlaw biker club members.

Although the extent to which outlaw biker club members are involved in criminal behavior varies significantly among outlaw biker clubs and chapters of outlaw biker clubs, the demographic and socio-economic background of outlaw biker club members are relatively homogenous (Blokland et al. 2020; Klement 2016; Van Deuren et al. 2021a). Traditionally, the outlaw biker club subculture is populated by middle-aged white men who embrace the hyper-masculine values of power, honor, and brotherhood (Thompson 1967; Veno 2009; Wolf 1991). Dutch and Danish outlaw biker club research furthermore shows that, compared to non-outlaw biker club members, the average outlaw biker club member typically comes from a lower socio-economic background, including a lower level of education and a higher unemployment rate (Klement 2016; Van Deuren et al. 2021a). The perceived similarity in (background) characteristics leads to a better understanding, clearer expectations, and increased trust between outlaw biker club members (Von Lampe and Johansen 2004).

Outlaw biker club membership is often exclusive and highly selective in nature. Typically, outlaw biker clubs have strict membership requirements and an extensive initiation period before a person becomes a full-patched member. The process of becoming a full-patched member involves a prolonged phase of socialization, serving to test the (thrust)worthiness of a prospect member and to socialize them into the club’s cultural norms and values (Barker 2015; Wolf 1991; Von Lampe and Blokland 2020). This initiation process consists of two phases, referred to as the hangaround and prospect phase. In the hangaround phase, outlaw biker club members have the opportunity to get to know and evaluate the background of the future member seeking to join the club. In the prospect phase, the future member has to show his loyalty and commitment to the club by attending club activities and cleaning chores (Lauchs et al. 2015). The length of the initiation period varies among outlaw biker clubs and even among chapters of outlaw biker clubs, but typically ranges from several months to several years (Barker 2015; Wolf 1991).

The notion of trust between outlaw biker club members is also created by interaction over time. Outlaw biker club membership plays a prominent role in the social life of their members, for instance through regular club events, meetings, and a defined set of club rules. During club meetings, decisions such as the approval of new members and chapters, are made. Large outlaw biker clubs also hold monthly executive meetings and annual conventions, referred to as world runs, which attract bikers from all outlaw biker club affiliated countries (Veno 2009). Furthermore, each outlaw biker club operates with a set of club rules, including a wide range of topics, such as time devoted to the club, treatment of fellow club members, and the process of joining and leaving the club (Veno 2009). The omerta or the code of silence, for instance, acts as a strong basis of trust in the outlaw biker club subculture. This rule ensures that members remain silent about criminal activities of fellow club members and club business and prohibits them from cooperating with law enforcement entities (Barker 2015; Wolf 1991). Hence, within the outlaw biker club subculture, trust develops over the course of repeated interaction, while club rules may enhance the predictability of members’ behavior (Von Lampe 2016).

Current study

By interviewing current members of the Dutch Hells Angels, the present study expands previous research by examining, first, the mechanisms by which individuals become members of the Dutch Hells Angels. We do so by distinguishing between four entry mechanisms by which individuals may become involved in deviant groups: active recruitment by the deviant group, growing into group membership, soliciting for membership, and the self-setup of a deviant group (Adamse et al. forthcoming). Active recruitment refers to a situation in which an individual is convinced or forced by an outlaw biker club to join the club. In contrast, growing into outlaw biker club membership describes a more gradual process in which an individual becomes involved in the outlaw biker club subculture over time, without a clear initiator. Soliciting for outlaw biker club membership involves individuals who express their own interest in joining the club. Finally, the self-setup of an outlaw biker club refers to situations in which an individual was involved in the establishment of (a chapter of) an outlaw biker club (Adamse et al. forthcoming).

Secondly, against the backdrop of the importance of trust within the outlaw biker club subculture, the study also aims to examine the ways in which the suitability of a person as Hells Angels member is established. This is done by distinguishing between two different (pre-)membership periods: prior to membership and during the initiation period.

Methods

Data procedures

In May 2021, one of the researchers received an e-mail from a member of the Dutch Hells Angels, stating the following: “Recently, I came across your dissertation regarding motor clubs and their members. I noticed that it is a very one-sided representation of motor clubs, because you have not spoken to club members”. The e-mail conversation was followed by an informal meeting at a neutral place between the researchers, two members of the Hells Angels, and their club lawyer. During this meeting, topics such as Hells Angels membership, the Dutch approach against the Hells Angels, and the reactions of members to the approach, were discussed. Additionally, the researchers asked the two Hells Angels members whether the club would be willing to take part in a scientific study examining (1) why and how individuals become members of the Hells Angels and (2) the ways in which the Hells Angels and their individual members respond to the Dutch multi-agency approach against outlaw biker clubs (see for the latter, Van Ruitenburg et al. forthcoming). The two Hells Angels members agreed to participate in the interview study. Subsequently, the secretaries of the Hells Angels charters were asked to explore which other members would be open to an interview. This resulted in 24 current Hells Angels members who were willing to participate in the study.

Once the names and contact information were acquired, an in-person meeting with the respondent was scheduled. At the start of the interview, the respondents were asked permission for informed consent, tape-recording, and taking notes during the conversation. After the informed consent was signed, the semi-structured interview started and was guided by a topic list that contained at least the following subjects: personal characteristics and social background of the respondent, their Hells Angels involvement (e.g., timing and mechanisms), and the meaning of the different roles within the club and club rules.

Of the 24 interviews, sixteen were conducted in the presence of two researchers and eight were carried out by one of the three researchers. The interviews were conducted over a period of nine months, between October 2021 and June 2022. The majority of the respondents (22 out of 24) were interviewed individually, two respondents were interviewed at the same time. A total of 22 interviews was tape-recorded, while for two interviews the researchers only had permission to take notes. The interviews ranged in length from 45 to 160 min, with an average of 106 min and were all conducted in Dutch. The interviews were held at the respondent’s home or at a neutral place, such as a bar or a restaurant. The tape-recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim by two research-assistants and stored in a secured analytics environment without internet connection. All respondents were given the opportunity to view the transcribed interviews, of which five respondents made use of. The research project was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam.

Sample

In total, 24 current members of the Hells Angels were interviewed for the study.Footnote 1 The sample consisted of 24 males, with ages ranging from 38 to 69 years old. Respondents in the study were predominantly Dutch (N = 23; 95,8%) and most of them were employed at the time of the interviews (N = 20; 83,3%). The respondents were members of ten different Hells Angels charters (e.g., local divisions) located in various cities and provinces of the Netherlands. The sample consisted of individuals who have been members of the Hells Angels for quite some time, with an average duration of Hells Angels membership of 17 years. The sample was diverse in terms of Hells Angels membership. 46% of the respondents (N = 11) were full-patched members, while twelve respondents were office-bearers with roles, such as president (N = 4; 16,7%), secretary (N = 4; 16,7%), road captain (N = 3; 12,5%), and sergeant at arms (N = 1; 4,2%). Table 1 presents a descriptive overview of the background characteristics of the 24 respondents.

Table 1 Background characteristics of the Dutch Hells Angels sample
Full size table

Analytical strategy

Different analytical phases and both deductive and inductive approaches were used to analyze the interviews. First, the research team started with reviewing the transcript of one interview and assigned initial a priori thematic codes based on the topic list in Atlas.ti. Ambiguity of codes by the researchers were discussed and solved by consensus. Second, the members of research team started analyzing the data by using line-by-line coding. Third, after the initial coding phase, the interpretation and the use of the codes were once again discussed by researchers. Fourth, after the deductive process, an inductive open coding approach was used by the first author to identify underlying and new themes that emerged from the coded data. Fifth, to increase the consistency and reliability of the coding process, the first author discussed the interpretations with the other members of the research team.

Results

In this section, we describe the entry mechanisms of individuals who joined the Dutch Hells Angels by distinguishing between two (pre-)membership periods: prior to membership and during the initiation period. The period prior to Hells Angels membership refers to the pre-membership period in which individuals have not yet entered the Dutch outlaw biker scene. The initiation period involves the period when individuals joined the Hells Angels in the role as hangaround or prospect and seek to become full-patched members.

Period prior to Hells Angels membership: methods and motives for joining

According to the Dutch police, in 2011 there was considerable unrest in the Dutch outlaw biker scene. One of the largest Dutch outlaw biker clubs, Satudarah MC, left or was expelled from the Council of Eight due to their ambition to expand the club in terms of membership and (international) chapters.Footnote 2 The disintegration of the Council of Eight resulted in increased distrust among the Dutch outlaw biker clubs. As a result, various Dutch outlaw biker clubs, such as the Hells Angels MC, responded by increasing the number of members to uphold their position in the outlaw biker scene (Landelijke Eenheid 2014). During the interviews it became apparent that the Hells Angels MC asked various members from other motorcycle clubs to join the Hells Angels MC after the disintegration of the Council of Eight, as the following respondent explained:

‘The Hells Angels MC told us that they would like to offer us, along with several other clubs in the Netherlands with which they had long-standing relationships, Hells Angels membership. Those other clubs were clubs from which over the years various individual members had already joined the Hells Angels […] so the Hells Angels were already familiar with these clubs. Subsequently, the Hells Angels expressed their interest in making a one-to-one transition’ (R16).

A majority of the respondents (13 out of 24) stated that they were first a member of another Dutch motorcycle club before being patched over to the Hells Angels (e.g., active recruitment). When the interviewees were asked the question ‘why did the Hells Angels invite your previous club to join the Hells Angels MC?’, a respondent mentioned ‘expansion drift’ as the driving factor, but ‘there was no war between certain Dutch motor clubs’ (R15), as was assumed by official authorities. During the volatile period that took place between 2011 and 2013, members of the Hells Angels MC predominantly asked members of clubs with which the Hells Angels had pre-existing ties to join the club. During the interviews, several respondents indicated that they happily accepted this invitation. One respondent stated in this regard: ‘for us, the Hells Angels is the ultimate thing and we were already good friends with them, so therefore we decided to join the club’ (R5).

A second way in which respondents joined the Hells Angels was by gradually growing into the club’s membership. Of the 24 respondents, seven members mentioned that pre-existing social ties have led them to become members of the Dutch Hells Angels. These members were drawn to Hells Angels membership, because their friends, acquaintances or even a family member was already a member of the club. For example, one of the members described that prior to his membership, he was hanging out with members of the Hells Angels. He mentioned that ‘if I might have come across people from another motor club, I might have rolled into that one’ (R21). As a result of these personal contacts, this respondent joined the Hells Angels rather than another motorcycle club.

In fact, as other respondents stated, having existing social ties with members of the Hells Angels seemed to be a necessity to be able to join the club in the first place:

‘Actually, it’s not possible to simple show up at a clubhouse and express your interest in joining the Hells Angels. Typically, individuals are introduced by someone they know. There have been a few incidents where individuals have shown up and expressed their desire to join, yet these cases have been rare. More commonly, individuals are invited through a friend, family member or an acquaintance and they attend a few events before deciding to join’ (R15).

In other interviews, respondents also stated that people should have pre-existing social ties before joining the Hells Angels, mentioning that ‘you can’t walk in tonight and say I want to become a member of the Hells Angels’ (R16). In one of the interviews, a respondent disclosed that they, much to their amusement, receive application letters for joining the charter on a regular basis. According to this respondent, this is not how it works, reaffirming other respondents views that new members have to be asked to join the club through existing social relations with members. However, contrary to this, three respondents revealed that they did simply went up to a clubhouse or club event and made clear that they would like to become a member of the Hells Angels. Or, as one of the respondents stated: ‘I went to the party and said: hi, I would like to become a member. So I went upstairs, I said: Hi, I am [name member, SvD], I would like to become a Hells Angels’ (R14). Lastly, one of the respondents joined the Hells Angels in a different way: he was involved in setting up a charter of the Hells Angels. In sum, twenty respondents were drawn to Hells Angels membership through pre-existing social ties, either by the Hells Angels actively recruiting members from befriended clubs or by gradually growing into Hells Angels membership via individuals who were already a member of the club.

In addition to the methods of joining, the respondents spoke extensively about their motives for becoming part of the Dutch Hells Angels. In the interviews, we came across an array of reasons for joining the Hells Angels. Some respondents stated they were attracted to the biker scene, stating to have a passion for tinkering with Harley Davidsons. Others spoke passionately about the feeling of freedom while riding on motorcycles or, as the following respondent explains, travelling around the world:

‘So I was the only one who had already made several trips with those guys and I thought that was really cool, you know, those charters are all over the world. And I had already experienced what happened when we came to Germany, France or Spain. We come there and you’re just, whether they know you or not, it’s just you’re welcome. And travelling, that you can just travel anywhere and there is a charter. For me, that is the most important thing’ (R16).

An additional reason for joining the Hells Angels specifically was that they are seen as the oldest biker club in the world and. In fact, as several respondents proclaimed (R9, R8, R21, R22), when it comes to the (Dutch) outlaw biker scene, the Hells Angels are seen as the “Champions League”. Another respondent explained a similar driving motive, albeit in different terms: ‘for me, this is the crowning glory of what I could achieve in this world. The Hells Angels is simple the ultimate club for me to be in. It’s the top of the food chain’ (R7).

For most respondents, however, a central motive for joining the Hells Angels was closely related to a term that was referenced in all the interviews: brotherhood. Although most respondents were quick to stress the importance of brotherhood amongst (Dutch) Hells Angels, the meaning of the term seemed to differ. Most respondents tied brotherhood to people who are cut from the same cloth, stating for instance ‘that you’re always with like-minded individuals who share a common goal’ (R8), and ‘no matter where you go in the world, you know that you have all traveled a somewhat similar path’ (R14). Furthermore, in other interpretations of brotherhood, a sense of unconditional support and loyalty predominated, emphasizing being there for each other and taking care of other Hells Angels, especially in times of need. For others, like respondent 6, brotherhood seemed to transcend other members of the Hells Angels and spoke to ‘a certain freedom, like not conforming to what you’re supposed to be according to society’ (R6).

Initiation phase

Von Lampe and Blokland (2020) describe that people who aspire to full-patched membership of outlaw biker clubs in general go through a long and elaborate initiation phase, transitioning from hangaround to prospect, before becoming a full-patched member. From the moment that the Hells Angels decide that a future member may begin with their initiation period, the learning process within the club commences. Overall, the initiation period of the Dutch Hells Angels lasts at least 18 months, including 6 months as a hangaround and 12 months as a prospect member. However, not all respondents in our study followed this path. Several of the interviewees who joined the Hells Angels through a patched over, agreed with the club that they did not have to start as a hangaround or prospect, but immediately became full-patched members and thus skipped the initiation phase.

The initiation phase serves, as Von Lampe and Blokland (2020) argue, practical and symbolic functions. According to the interviewed respondents the initiation period is a process in which future members are educated by the club and learn what it means to be a Hells Angel: ‘you build trust and get to know each other better. You know what you have in each other’ (R2). From the interviews we learned that it is important for the Hells Angels that future members learn to share the norms and values of the club. Specifically, this means taking responsibility for the club, kee** to commitments, and showing respect for fellow club members, but also that members don’t lie, steal from each other, and touch each other’s women. During the hangaround phase, the future member is expected to invest time and energy in the club by participating in (international) motorcycle rides and parties, running bar shifts, shop** groceries, and cleaning the club house. The interviewed respondents described the hangaround phase as fun, but also as intense, tough, and time-consuming. One of the respondents mentioned that as a hangaround or prospect member, he sometimes stood behind the bar during club evenings until two or three in the night, while his alarm went off at 6 o’clock in the morning to go to work (R16). In this way, the members can get to know the future member and determine if he is willing to dedicate his life to Hells Angels membership (Von Lampe and Blokland 2020).

For full-patched members, the initiation phase allows them to evaluate if a potential new member has what it takes to become a Hells Angel. Most respondents were quick to mention that having a motorcycle license and a motorcycle of at least 1000 cc, preferably a Harley Davidson, was a necessity for becoming a member of the Hells Angels. Other than that, the interviews did not provide a clear profile for future members, as the following respondent explains:

‘Look, you don’t have to be very intelligent or physically strong to become a Hells Angel. You don’t need to have a black belt in karate or be a super-genius, but you do need to be loyal. Loyal means being able to give meaning to the brotherhood and being willing to do something for the club. If you are good at painting or maintaining the clubhouse, or if you are a skilled fundraiser or event organizer, for example, you must have something to offer to the club. You should not ask yourself what the club can do for you, but rather what you can do for the club instead’ (R24).

In addition to certain practical skills that are of added value to the club, many respondents were not able to pinpoint exactly what makes a future member a potential brother, but spoke in rather vague and broad terms, stating that ‘future members must demonstrate that they are willing to do anything to become part of the club’ (R14).

During the initiation phase, a future member is guided by a mentor, a full-patched member of the Hells Angels. The future member can ask the mentor for clarification if uncertainties arise, yet current members can also approach the mentor if the future member ‘needs to do better during the initiation period’ (R24). Once the mentor is confident that the future member is ready for the prospect phase, a vote takes place within the charter of the Hells Angels. If the majority of the members within the charter vote in favor of the transition from hangaround to prospect member, the future member can proceed to the next phase towards full-patched membership. The respondents described the hangaround phase as less formal than the prospect phase is. During the prospect phase, the Hells Angels expect more from the future member, especially the ability to carry out club duties more independently. Although a majority of the votes is sufficient for transitioning from hangaround to prospect member, the results of the interviews showed that a unanimous vote is required from members of the charter for the transition from prospect to full-patched member, as one of the respondents explained: ‘because in essence, at that point, the prospect member is getting married to the club. So, you are telling each other that you trust each other and that you are buddies’ (R11).

Considering the on-going scientific and societal debates about the criminal involvement of outlaw bikers in the Netherlands (Blokland et al. 2017a; Geurtjens 2022; Van Deuren 2023; Van Ruitenburg 2020), we asked the respondents whether a criminal record of a future member was a factor during the vetting process in the initiation phase. In general, in accordance with the results of other studies (Veno 2009; Spurgeon 2011; Quinn and Forsyth 2011), having a criminal record or being involved in crime was not a reason for the Hells Angels to deny membership of future members. Fighting crime, most respondents argued, was not a club matter, but a job for law enforcement agencies. Moreover, as one respondent stated: ‘the club is a reflection of society. All sorts of things happen at the police or other organizations. Is the police a criminal organization?’ (R22). Overall, the majority of the respondents indicated that as long as the criminal behavior does not harm the Hells Angels as an organizational entity, criminal involvement is not a factor that can prevent a person from joining.

Nevertheless, specific criminal acts, such as child abuse or violence against women, are disapproved within the club as a whole and can lead to a person being denied entry into Hells Angels membership. However, we also came across one example stressing the heterogeneity among charters of the Hells Angels with regards to the tolerance of criminal behavior: ‘if he has a serious criminal record, he would not be welcome in my presence. I mean, not if he was involved in a fight once, I’ve had that too, but if I know that someone is or was really engaged in serious crime than he cannot join this charter’ (R16).

Although the Dutch Hells Angels have an elaborate initiation phase to assess whether individuals possess the necessary qualities to be admitted into the club, these entry mechanisms are, as the following passage suggests, not foolproof:

‘During the initiation period, future members are encouraged to show their true colors. This includes behaviors such as getting drunk and letting loose, because only then I will start to notice and to feel who the prospect member really is […] Despite efforts to prevent it, there are situations where individuals may gain a position within the club and later display behaviors that suggest they should never have been allowed entry to Hells Angels membership in the first place’ (R17).

During the interviews, several respondents gave examples of situations where ‘bad apples’ entered the Hells Angels and took advantage of the club structure in committing various types of (violent) criminal behavior. In these instances, the criminally involved members were kicked out of the club indefinitely. However, according to another respondent, these incidents have left a permanent stain on the Hell Angels’ reputation:

‘There the self-cleaning ability has seriously failed, we can safely say. That’s a blot on the history of the Hells Angels. That were some sick ponies that should never have entered the club. Too bad. We have to lick our wounds and we are still associated with it every day. And that’s a black day for the Hells Angels Holland’ (R24).

Conclusion

Despite the growing popularity of the outlaw biker subculture, current studies remain largely silent about the underlying mechanisms by which individuals are drawn to and become outlaw biker club members. By differentiating between two different (pre-)membership periods: prior to membership and the initiation period, this study qualitatively examined the ways in which individuals entered the Dutch Hells Angels and became full-patched members of the club. We did so by using a unique sample of 24 current members of the Dutch Hells Angels who were interviewed for the present study.

The findings showed that the Dutch Hells Angels can be seen as an associational structure that provides members with a sense of belonging, loyalty, and trust, captured in the often-used term brotherhood (Von Lampe 2016). To deal with the organizational challenges faced by deviant groups (Densley 2013), the Dutch Hells Angels apply a two-step verification process for individuals to become full-patched members. First, individuals entered the Hells Angels predominantly by patched overs from befriended motorcycle clubs or via a friend, a family member or an acquaintance who was already a member of the club. In line with previous organized crime studies (Paoli 2003; Van Koppen 2013), this indicates the importance of social structures and pre-existing social ties for entering the Hells Angels and suggests that not everyone can simply become a member of the club. Researchers have long recognized the importance of trust to explain how (criminal) groups and (criminal) relations evolve. Pre-existing social relationships may provide a strong basis of trust as they generate both familiarity with the other’s behavior as well as mutual expectations and obligations in which the relationship is embedded (Van de Bunt et al. 2014). The findings, furthermore, indicate that trust entails different levels within the outlaw biker club subculture: on the group level (e.g., one-on-one patched overs of motorcycle clubs) and on the individual level (e.g., gradually growing into Hells Angels membership through social ties).

The second step in the verification process to become a full-patched member of the Hells Angels is the long-standing initiation period that future members have to endure once they entered the outlaw biker scene (Barker 2015; Lauchs et al. 2015). The aim of the initiation period is to ensure that the Hells Angels attract those individuals who are suitable for club membership. During the initiation period, future members are particularly screened on their trustworthiness, the practical skills that can be beneficial to the club, and their willingness to devote their life to the Hells Angels (e.g., by investing time and energy in the club). Given the significant importance of trust, the findings from this study indicate that, compared to the transition from hangaround to the prospect phase, a prospective member can only join the club as a full-patched member when his fellow club members unanimous vote in favor of this role transition. A vote in favor of an individual to become full-patched member, however, does not always indicate that club members like or get along with one another, as long as mutual trust is present.

Previous research indicates that the share of outlaw biker club members involved in criminal behavior tends to be high (Blokland et al. 2020; Van Deuren et al. 2021a). The disproportionate involvement of outlaw biker’s in crime was among one of the reasons to prioritize Dutch outlaw biker clubs as a target for law enforcement agencies. Irrespective of increased law enforcement attention, the current study showed that future members are typically not screened by the Hells Angels on their criminal involvement. Criminal involvement of individual members is not seen as a club matter unless the criminal activities harm the reputation of the Hells Angels, and several respondents put forth not being interested in the criminal involvement of (future) members. As a result of the screening process of future members, the two-step verification process is not a panacea to completely filter out individuals who want to use the club structure for criminal purposes.

Despite the unique nature of the interviews, this study, like any other study, has a number of caveats that need to be considered. First, the sample of members of the Hells Angels is selective in nature. The list of members interviewed for this study was compiled by the Hells Angels members themselves, hence the research team had no influence on the recruitment and selection process of the respondents. The selective nature of the interviewed sample obviously questions the extent to which the current sample is representative for the total Dutch Hells Angels population. It is possible that the interviewed respondents differ from those of the general Dutch Hells Angels population, in terms of the mechanisms by which individuals joined the club in general, but the reasons for joining the club in particular. Moreover, it is important to remember the heterogeneous nature of the outlaw biker club subculture. There is variability among Dutch outlaw biker clubs, not only in terms of criminal involvement, but also regarding organizational culture, traditions, and rules. Since our study examined only one Dutch outlaw biker club, the results cannot be readily applied to the Dutch outlaw biker club population in general. For a better understanding of the mechanisms by which and the reasons for entering the outlaw biker club scene, future research could try to shed light on the perspectives and experiences of members from other Dutch outlaw biker clubs. Furthermore, another path for future research is to examine the mechanisms and reasons of leaving the outlaw biker club subculture by interviewing ex-outlaw biker club members (see, for example, Boland et al. 2021 and Dowling et al. 2021).

The second limitation coincides with the multi-agency approach that has been taken against Dutch outlaw biker clubs since 2012. As a result of the approach, the Hells Angels MC Holland has been irreversibly banned since 2022, arguably resulting in members’ being unable to wear their club colors, organize public events, and meet in clubhouses, without making themselves liable to criminal prosecution. In the current study, we predominantly interviewed office-bearers (e.g., president, road captain, and secretary) and full-patched members and were not able to include the perspectives and experiences of hangarounds and prospect members. Related to this, the interviewed respondents have been members of the club for a considerable period of time before the multi-agency approach was implemented. As a result of possible behavioral and organizational adjustments to the multi-agency approach, particularly the civil ban, the ways in which individuals become full-patched members may have changed as prospect members can no longer attend national motorcycle events, run bar shifts, and clean club houses. In other words, how is the suitability of prospect members established after the irreversible civil ban of Hells Angels MC Holland? Future research should therefore focus on interviewing members, such as hangarounds and prospects, who joined the Hells Angels after this irreversible civil ban. This could not only shed light on whether external environmental factors changed the initiation period, but could also show why individuals join outlaw biker clubs in general and the Hells Angels in particular given the multi-agency approach that not only focuses on the club as a whole, but also on its’ individual members.