Abstract
Technoscientific-legal rationality in policy-making is the statecraft of creating a ‘factual reality’ which in effect co-produces a combined technical and socio-political reality for people and institutions, and at the same time expresses the need for representation in politics. Concentrating on the deliberation proceedings and calculations of the Taiwanese Feed-In Tariff (FIT) Committee deciding on a ‘reasonable tariff’, this article explores the way that technoscientific knowledge-based deliberation, with tacitly enacted roles and boundaries, seriously constrains the possible forms and meanings of renewable energy (RE) and the notions of public interest emerging from the process. It argues the expert committee which is backed up by expert authority and manifests in a bureaucratic-managerial style is best portrayed as a mechanism of controversy settlement and depoliticisation, by distinguishing the ‘core technical issues’ from ‘the others’, and by calculating ‘relevant’ and ‘objective’ quantitative factors and values. The deliberation process reflects an incessant intention to purify the decision made by the committee and to eliminate the remaining discretion of the experts from wider visibility, which results in an overwhelming preference for mathematical technicality — the public’s ‘best interest’ is translated into the ‘reasonableness’ of the FIT, which is largely built on a designed formula for steering tariffs among the sea of uncertainty, by taking the average or median value of alternative FIT calculations. I argue this deliberation is democratically envisioned yet technocratically enacted, aiming to depoliticise the decisions made on tariff rates and thus preventing further controversy.
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Notes
The Feed-In Tariff (FIT) scheme, or renewable energy payment, is a government programme designed to promote the generation of renewable energy. The tariff rate is presented in the format of NTDs/kWh. FIT payments are made by Taipower, the state-owned electricity monopoly, for the electricity the contracted installation has generated.
The concept of meritocrats in East Asia may be quite different from the one in the English-speaking world. They are historically the class of ‘仕大夫’. They are often the intellectuals who passed the literary exam and got admission to the national Confucian academy, and also finally passed the higher civil service exam. This will gain them the aristocratic status as ‘scholar-officials’ (Downey and Han 2014) who work in the royal councils or offices. Nowadays, university professors taking a post of secondment to government ministries is still not uncommon.
In an authoritarian regime, they often have a double identity, both as an official member of the Nationalist party and a civil servant.
This is a private think-tank, founded in 1976, with which the MOEA tasks the mission of being the general secretariat of the deliberation.
Since 2014, the MOEA does not prescribe a rigid one-way communication in the sub-panel proceedings as before; it simply says ‘invite industry representatives for discussion’. However, at the same time, one expert member claims that ‘the session should not be open for industry representatives to attend, in order to maintain just discretion’ (2014.08.18.1400). There is no evidence that the proceedings were changed to allow more dialogue-style, two-way communication.
The stakeholders in sub-panels are the ‘representatives of industry’ while the participants in administrative hearing include a range of broader citizen participants, such as university students, NGO workers, community leaders and the staffs from private research institutes and MP’s offices.
As late as in December 2018, the administrative hearing still only provides a one-off session and when a controversy over FIT between off-shore wind farm industry and the MOEA broke out, the MOEA’s reaction still rigidly confines to the quantitative and objective values, requesting the industry to submit credible figures to the committee.
The meeting needs to be attended by more than the half of all members to be valid. The attendance is another tricky part, the governmental officials can use surrogates to attend the meeting while other members can’t. It can be used as an inadvertent method to deny one particular member’s participation.
Interviewee Q1 (engineering) and L2 (finance) are both university professors; the former is an expert member and the latter is a representative of a social group.
This exchange is indeed happening and has become routinised and formalised since late 2015 when a three-party bimonthly meeting (involving Taipower, industry and the MOEA) was scheduled regularly according to my informant.
It acts as a standard of cost-performance rate, the industry at least need to meet this minimum cost-performance rate to make profit.
However, he also told me that the industry always has the intention to argue the value to the 4th decimal point, which is ‘so important’ to the final tariff. The importance of the slight differences between values seems not to be based on the values themselves but on who argues for them.
Interviewee Q1: ‘there is no absolutely right or wrong here, they all just need to follow the general operation rules [derived from finance and economic expertise] in this sector’.
The decision is relevant to the outcome of the installation last year (compared to the policy target) as interviewee Q1 told me, the adjustment of the value is out of the ‘reasonableness’ or policy target.
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Acknowledgements
I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to Prof Brian Wynne and Dr Bronislaw Szerszynski, my PhD supervisors. I am also grateful for the valuable feedback and suggestions provided by the two anonymous reviewers. Finally, I thank the editors of Minerva for their comments and guidance throughout the review process.
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Yang, CY. Performing Public Good: The Statecraft of Objective and Optimal FIT. Minerva 58, 435–458 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11024-020-09400-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11024-020-09400-x