Abstract
In the twenty-first century, the growing decline and collapse of democratic student governments in higher education around the world has been paralleled by the spread of the student partnerships approach to student leadership. While attempting to foster collaboration between students and other education relevant parties, if the student partnerships approach is not implemented in a way that is cognizant of the inherent power disparities between student and non-student relevant parties, it can run the risk of supplanting student democracy with undemocratic structures in which students have no structural power to effect educational change. This article responds to attempts to deterritorialize student partnerships and student voice approaches in Cornelius-Bell, Bell, and Dollinger’s (Higher Education, 2023) article in Higher Education by adding a student power lens to demonstrate how student leadership approaches that integrate student partnerships and student voice can be implemented in ways that contribute to student empowerment and mitigate the risk of students being manipulated to serve non-students’ micropolitical goals. Political philosophy scholarship is applied to such student leadership contexts to illustrate the power imbalances between students and non-students. Two examples of healthy integrations, a liberal democratic student government and an open participation student partnership, are theorized as ways forward that can equitably and effectively garner both structural student power and mutually beneficial collaborations between relevant parties.
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Notes
I interpret higher education students very broadly, including but not limited to every type from undergraduates to doctoral candidates and full-time to part-time. There are a wide variety of types of students, such as graduate versus undergraduate or variations in different types of program lengths and majors that may make participating in higher education politics more or less challenging. However, all the types of students generally have less power than non-students involved in higher education (Patrick, 2023).
I use the term relevant parties in place of the word stakeholder, which can have colonialist connotations (Reed, 2022).
There are multiple types of unelected non-students involved in higher education in some way, with faculty, administrators, and donors being but a few examples. Different types of non-students have varying levels of power within higher education, and going into all the types would be beyond the scope of this argument. However, I draw from extant literature illustrating that all the types of non-students involved in higher education have more power than students, largely due to having more financial means to enact change and/or structural power within higher education (Mugume & Katusiimeh, 2016; Patrick, 2023; Pennock et al., 2015). In the worst cases, especially when understanding state actors, including military and law enforcement, as external higher education relevant parties as opposed to the more internal relevant parties in the prior examples, students must risk their lives just to participate in education politics while the various non-student groups have a structural place in higher education decision-making (Boren, 2013; Patrick, 2022). I thus use the term non-student relevant parties to refer to all the types of non-students who have power in higher education, each of which is an irresistible absolute, albeit with varying amounts of power, who are implicit obstacles to students achieving proportionate power in higher education.
I interpreted power imbalance as broadly defined as possible, including but not limited to student representation on postsecondary institution governing bodies as well as differences in informational resources or expertise on higher education issues between students and non-student relevant parties, or time students have to devote to decision-making compared to non-students who are paid to focus on decision-making full-time.
Student unions in other countries have made similar accomplishments. In Austria for instance, the national student union is incorporated by a designated law that enshrines mandatory membership and fees (Republic of Austria Federal Ministry Education, Science and Research, n.d.). Student unions in Denmark, Norway, and the Netherlands even managed to collaborate to expand their service-provision capacities to an international scale (International Student Identity Card, n.d.).
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Dedicated to Hanna Fenichel Pitkin, 1931–2023
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Patrick, J. Promoting student empowerment in student partnership-student representation integrations. High Educ (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-024-01252-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-024-01252-8