Abstract
This chapter reassesses the national political economy of ALBA member-states Ecuador, Dominica, St Vincent and the Grenadines, Antigua and Barbuda, and especially Venezuela, finding common tendencies towards state-led, inward-looking development, autonomy within a context of multipolarity, and boosted legitimacy via participatory institutions (input) and welfare provision (output). Yet, even overlap** development strategies have achieved widely different levels of implementation. Bolivarian Venezuela’s attempts to socialise the economy, boost human development, and democratise governance have produced neither economic diversification nor a newly collectivist political culture. Instead, oil price windfalls have been channelled into ad hoc parallel institutions under executive control, where problems of waste, inefficiency, and corruption persist. Under Maduro, collapsing oil revenues have revealed the limitations of the underlying model. Though comparable in certain areas, Correa’s Citizen’s Revolution in Ecuador was far less radical in its means and ends, as the focus was on evolution over revolution. Even Eastern Caribbean ALBA members did share some key principles and policy postures with their Latin counterparts, but their vulnerability as insular micro-states demanded pragmatism.
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Notes
- 1.
Though these periods are not precisely coterminous, they all extend at least as far as ALBA’s stagnation, with little significant movement beyond 2014.
- 2.
“Robinson” was the pseudonym of Bolívar’s tutor Simón Rodríguez; Barrio Adentro means “within the neighbourhood”; “Sucre” is named for Venezuelan liberator Antonio José de Sucre, advocate of mass education; Identidad means “identity” and provides ID cards necessary for interactions with the state; and Mercal abbreviates Mercado de Alimentos (“food market”).
- 3.
Vuelvan Caras equates to the military command “about face!”
- 4.
José Félix Ribas was a Venezuelan general and independence hero.
- 5.
The Gasoducto del Sur ultimately failed to materialise.
- 6.
2010 was slightly lower than 2 million, 2011 slightly higher, and 2012 slightly lower again. Production was affected by electricity rationing in 2010, but not thereafter.
- 7.
This is not to say that the poor do not take part. On the contrary, this is common practice for anyone who can take part. My point is only that the wealthy can always take part and have the most to gain, thereby undermining the wider push towards redistribution towards the worst off.
- 8.
“Regalando el petróleo” is an established phrase in Venezuelan politics and a common line of attack for opponents of Chávez’s PSUV .
- 9.
This is usually referred to as the “solidarity economy ” in Ecuador.
- 10.
Occidental (Oxy) and Chevron (relating to activities of its subsidiary Texaco).
- 11.
By 2013 Ecuador had withdrawn or was slated to withdraw from 15 bilateral investment treaties.
- 12.
The proposal also suggests a LAC body resembling the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, but this aspect is less central.
- 13.
This is not to assume that there existed a middle ground acceptable to the Venezuelan opposition; on the contrary, Chávez’s early years could be seen as an attempt precisely to find this middle ground, but this moderation met only with anti-democratic interventions like the 2002 coup and the 2002–2003 oil strike.
- 14.
Oil, bananas, shrimp, flowers, coffee, cacao, and fish constituting around 85 per cent of exports
- 15.
ATPDEA compensation was phased out once ATPDEA was renewed. It was revived in 2013, however, when Ecuador withdrew from ATPDEA following US threats vis-à-vis Edward Snowden.
- 16.
This work does not cover the Antigua and Barbuda Labour Party government of Gaston Browne (2014–), although the ideological differences between the main parties in Antigua were less distinct than in the other two focus countries, and the ABLP has been supportive of Petrocaribe and ALBA both in and out of power.
- 17.
This is least clear in Antigua , where the opposition Antigua and Barbuda Labour Party’s platform is ill-defined.
- 18.
It has since been privatised as Bank of St Vincent and the Grenadines.
- 19.
This is an extension of the Venezuelan Canaima programme.
- 20.
n.b. this process was started by the previous ALP government but then vigorously adopted by Spencer’s UPP.
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Cusack, A.K. (2019). The National Roots of ALBA. In: Venezuela, ALBA, and the Limits of Postneoliberal Regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean. Studies of the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95003-4_3
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