Abstract
The median voter theory of government size predicts that greater inequality leads to greater demand for redistribution and larger government Meltzer and Richard in J Polit Econ 89(5), 914–927 (1981). However, this prediction is often rejected empirically. This paper distinguishes between income inequality induced by differences in labor productivity and income inequality induced by differences in capital income. Whilst the standard argument applies to productivity-induced income inequality, greater capital income inequality leads to smaller government if, as often observed, capital income is difficult to tax. Using OECD data, government size and capital income inequality (proxied by the top 1% income share) are found to be negatively related in both fixed effects and instrumental variable regressions. Moreover, controlling for capital income inequality yields a positive and significant relationship between government size and labor income inequality, as originally conjectured.
This chapter is coauthored with Andrew Pickering and Paulo Santos Monteiro at Department of Economics and Related Studies, University of York.
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Notes
- 1.
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- 3.
Other mechanisms are proposed by Persson (1995) and Rodriguez (2004). In the former, utility depends on relative consumption. In this model there is increasingly a problem of excessive labor supply in more equal societies and taxes work to increase utility by reducing labor. As in Benabou (2000), greater equality increases the capacity for agreement to tax, which again solves a market failure. Taxes work to eliminate the negative externalities associated with individual labor supply. Rodriguez (2004) instead models the political power of the rich as increasing with inequality, thereby reducing their obligation to pay tax. The democratic constraint is therefore undermined.
- 4.
Limited capital income data indicates that the rich do hide their income from capital, and in other words, it is difficult to tax their capital income. This in turn implies the lack of capital income tax (and data) that the median voter can effectuate, consistent with OECD evidence (extremely small size of capital income taxation), as well as the lack of capital income inequality data.
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The 0.1% income share could alternatively be used, though the results are very similiar because the correlation between the 0.1 and 1% income shares is around 0.98.
- 6.
In order to compare with the Meltzer and Richard (1981) model, we start with a static model and focus on the tax policy choice generated by different sources of income inequality, rather than over-generation pension wealth decision.
- 7.
Capital income analyzed throughout this chapter is the income with zero opportunity cost, such as rental income. Housing price in large cities has consistently increased in recent years and has been accumulated as high levels of housing wealth. Higher levels of housing wealth do lead to larger inequality in wealth, while it cannot be taxed until it is sold (in the case of rental income, it can be claimed as smaller size or other items to avoid tax).
- 8.
The results would all still stand if we instead modeled capital income taxation as fixed (and unresponsive to inequality), as observed from OECD data. The difficulty to collect capital income tax also underpins this argument. The rich are anti-tax: it could be easily observed that large companies always try to reclassify their labor-capital income in order to find tax haven. In rich economies with low self-employment, tax evasion is small on aggregate but high at the top, strong gradient within top 1% (Alstadsæter et al. 2018).
- 9.
Deadweight loss as well as capital flight loss leads to a loss of function of capital income taxation, which constraines the ability of median voter to influence over capital income tax rates.
- 10.
For simplicity (but without loss of generality) we henceforth assume that the joint distribution of x and R is such that \(n_i>0\) for all i, so that everyone supplies a strictly positive amount of market work.
- 11.
Notice that, as in Meltzer and Richard (1981), the sign of
$$\begin{aligned} \frac{\partial n}{\partial x}=-\frac{\left( 1-t\right) u_{c} + \left( 1-t\right) ^2 x n u_{cc}-\left( 1-t\right) nu_{cl}}{D} \end{aligned}$$(2.8)is indeterminate. Hence, the labor supply could be backward bending as productivity increases. Still, pre-tax labor income may never decline following an increase in productivity. To see this notice that, for any individual earning positive labor income, we have
$$\begin{aligned} \begin{aligned} \frac{\partial y}{\partial x}&=n+x\frac{\partial n}{\partial x} \\&=-\frac{\left( 1-t\right) xu_{c} + n\left[ u_{cl}\left( 1-t\right) x-u_{ll}\right] }{D}>0, \end{aligned} \end{aligned}$$(2.9)which must be positive given condition (2.5).
- 12.
Details are available in the Appendix.
- 13.
The size of the shaded area depends on the size of the set \(\mathcal {K}\) (if we choose a larger set \(\mathcal {K}\), then the shaded area will be larger). The position of this shaded area indicates initial levels of capital income that individuals in the set \(\mathcal {K}\) have (and we will discuss below regarding to the consequence of increased capital income inequality). We focus on the 99% percentile because in the empirical section that follows we use the income share of the top 1% as our measure of capital income inequality.
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It is not, however, a mean preserving spread in capital income. But lowering the capital income of the bottom \(\mathcal {Q}_{\left( 1-\mathcal {K} \right) \,\%}\) capital income earners in order to preserve the mean capital income would only reinforce our results.
- 16.
Specifically the countries included are Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Current data availability for the top income share precludes using other countries. The sample ends in 2007 due to the substantial toll on government outlays in many countries following the global financial crisis.
- 17.
See Galbraith and Kum (2005).
- 18.
To utilize Theil’s T statistic—measured across sectors within each country—shows the evolution of economic inequality. We can do this with many different data sets, including at the regional or provincial level. With the UTIP data, we can review changes in global inequality both across countries and through time. Nothing comparable can be done with previous data set (i.e. Deininger and Squire), for the measurements are too sparse and too inconsistent.
- 19.
The results would all still stand if we ideally incorporate polity variables as one further control variable. The reason why we omit here is to easily compare with the template work by Facchini et al. (2017), and that the sample countries we have are all with high democracy scores.
- 20.
Taken from the WDI database.
- 21.
Note that any effect of technological change through labor income inequality, or the labor share, is closed off due to these variables separately being included as controls in the analysis. It is still nonetheless possible that technology is correlated with the error term in the second-stage regression (i.e. violating the exclusion restriction), though the mechanism is not easy to see given the extensive set of controls. Moreover the exclusion restriction is tested below using the Hausman over-identification test.
- 22.
For instance in their Fig. 2.3 capital gains, capital income and business income represent well over half of the income of the top 0.1% in the US.
- 23.
Dabla-Norris et al. (2015) find that overall inequality actually increases with financial openness. The mechanism discussed therein is skills-bias—financial openness productively adds especially to the highly-skilled, thus increasing wage-inequality. It should be clear that this is a distinct hypothesis from ours, which emphasizes access to capital markets. Note again that labor income inequality is controlled for in both the first and second stages of the IV estimation. Hence the estimated effect of the Chinn-Ito index on capital income inequality is already conditional on any effect it has on labor income inequality.
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Appendix
Appendix
1.1 Derivation of Equations (2.12) and (2.13)
The problem of the median voter m is to choose the tax rate so as to maximize
and the first-order condition for the median voter with respect to the tax rate is
Thus, making use of equation (2.3), the tax rate chosen by the median voter must satisfy
Changes in the tax rate t affect average income via two channels: its effect on the opportunity cost of leisure, and its effect on transfers (from the government’s budget constraint \(r=t\bar{y}\)). In particular, we have that
with \(\tau =1-t\). Thus, the total derivative of average income with respect to changes in the tax rate is given by
with \(\bar{y}_r=\frac{\partial \bar{y}}{\partial r}\) and \(\bar{y}_\tau =\frac{\partial \bar{y}}{\partial {\tau }}\).
Finally, making use of (2.21) to substitute in (2.19), we obtain
where \(\eta _r=\bar{y}_r\left( r/\bar{y}\right) \) and \(\eta _\tau =\bar{y}_\tau \left( \tau /\bar{y}\right) \) are the partial elasticities of average income. Solving the above equation for t, yields
with \(m=\bar{y}/y^m\).
1.2 Proof of Proposition 2.1
We begin with the following decomposition of average income
where \(\bar{y}\left( \mathcal {K}\right) \) is the average income of the individuals in set \(\mathcal {K}\) and \(\bar{y}\left( \sim \mathcal {K}\right) \) is the average income of the individuals not in set \(\mathcal {K}\). From Assumption 2.2 we have that \(\bar{y}^{\mathcal {K}}>y^m\).
Taking the total derivative of \(\bar{y}\) with respect to \(R\left( \mathcal {K}\right) \), the capital income of the individuals in set \(\mathcal {K}\) in Eq. (2.24) we obtain
where we used the fact that \(\eta _r=\frac{\partial \bar{y}}{\partial r}\frac{r}{\bar{y}}=\frac{\partial \bar{y}}{\partial r}\frac{t\bar{y}}{\bar{y}}=\frac{\partial \bar{y}}{\partial r}t\). Using (2.25) to solve for \(\frac{d\bar{y}}{dR\left( \mathcal {K}\right) }\), we obtain
since leisure is a normal good. Thus, average income \(\bar{y}\) must fall.
In turn, we have that
Thus, we have established that \(\bar{y}\) must fall and \(y^m\) must increase following an increase in the capital-income going to the top capital-income recipients. Therefore, \(m=\bar{y}/y^m\) falls and the increase in capital income inequality lowers labor income inequality. The upshot is that the increase in the capital income going to the top capital-income recipients results in a lower t, the labor income tax chosen by the median voter.
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Luo, W. (2023). Inequality and Government Size: A Political Economy Theory and OECD Evidence. In: Inequality, Demography and Fiscal Policy. Applied Economics and Policy Studies. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0518-8_2
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