Introduction: Basic Questions of a Meaning-Theoretical Organization Research

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Operativity And Typicality
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Abstract

This chapter deals with questions of the history of ideas and conceptual issues concerning theoretical contexts of reference and epistemic foundations of organization theory. The developments of ideas and conceptual shifts of the various turns in the social and cultural sciences have also influenced organization research and, to varying degrees, shaped its basic epistemological mood. Today, for example, it is particularly developments within the framework of a broader cultural turn that emphasize the perspective of the communicative production and institutional stabilization of social forms. Against this background, this chapter traces meaning-theoretical argumentations within recent organizational studies along the concepts of operation, form, and type. These reconstructions and discussions reveal points of convergence between different theories and approaches, which have differing understandings of operativity, forms and meaning-typicality (German: Sinntypik). This does not mean a comparison of theories, but a basic search for traces of meaning-operational motives and communication-theoretical connectivities in social constructivist-oriented organization research.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    If we take up the music-theoretical concept offered here, polyphony is based on consonance and harmony, since polyphony is based on a harmonic frame (uniform key, scales, harmonies). Incommensurability, on the other hand, describes – translated into music-theoretical language – dissonant and disharmonic relations. The recourse to terms and concepts from music, vibration and wave theory (cf. Pretor-Pinney 2011, p. 75 ff. and p. 207 ff.) in relation to human communication and social coordination phenomena has increased in recent years. The focus here is on fundamental questions about pre-linguistic communicative mediality and the coordinative functioning of sounds and musical forms. This perspective has been strongly stimulated in recent years by neuroscientific and anthropological research on the connection between musicality, cognition, emotion and sociality (cf. Levitin 2006, 2008; Sacks 2008; Spitzer 2002) and has also been widely received in popular science (Ball 2011; Drösser 2009). This raises and poses questions that have been and are still being discussed in sociology (Casimir 1991; Drepper 1992; Fuchs 1987, 1992b; Großmann 1991; Rotter 1985) as well as cultural history (Blanning 2008; Richter 1997) and philosophy of music (Adorno 1986, 1989, 1991; Becker and Vogel 2007).

  2. 2.

    In this context, Ortmann (2004, p. 57) has pointed out that reflection theories (cf. Luhmann 1993) are by no means merely neutral observers, describers, understanders and explainers, but influence their subject matter by incorporating their ideas and knowledge into the communication of the subject matter (e.g. organizational self-descriptions) (cf. Ortmann 2004, p. 66).

  3. 3.

    Current examples of this can be found in the managerialism debate, which we will discuss later.

  4. 4.

    The relationship between theories and approaches requires explanation in terms of the theory of science and should not be ignored here. In recent years in particular, there has been a strong trend towards approaches and their multiplication in the social and cultural sciences. In terms of their cognitive consistency, approaches seem to be more low-threshold than theories, so that one can be more tentative and modest “on the road” with them than with “big” theories, which are sometimes perceived as “burdensome”. Methodologically, then, it often sounds as if approaches are closer to empirical phenomena than theories, which require more elaborate respecifications. Furthermore, approaches also seem easier combineable and quicker switcheable. This possibly minimizes the risk of being locked into one theory as a research individual. Following approaches is different from holding theories. Pathetically speaking, it almost seems as if the “time of theories” has expired and the different approaches within the framework of the different turns determine the scientific field. But this may be subject to a wave and sometimes fashion logic. We will revisit and discuss the notion of fashion later for the circulation of management ideas.

  5. 5.

    What is remarkable about this in terms of the sociology of knowledge is that culture and institution are identity-creating semantics from the self-descriptive repertoire of modern society, whereby culture gains its social-structural plausibility as a comparative concept and institution as a concept of order and constitution. This will be topic again in the following discussions.

  6. 6.

    A communicative (self-)constitution perspective of organizations is prominently represented by Luhmann’s systems theory (Luhmann 2000a; cf. in detail Drepper 2018, p. 95 ff.). I will come to this in detail later.

  7. 7.

    Bachmann-Medick speaks of research shifts instead of paradigm shifts. In my opinion, this takes the exaggerations out of what is happening and does not hang the supposed innovations and new developments so high:

    A common view of the social and cultural world can therefore not be expected from the competing theoretical positions or even generations of theories in the cultural and social sciences. Corresponding to the turning away from ‘grand narratives’ and ‘master paradigms’, the turns in cultural studies are not ‘Copernican’. Much more cautious and experimental, indeed much more gradual, they help new perspectives and approaches to break through step by step. (...) It is never a matter of complete and comprehensive about-turns of a subject, but rather of the formation and profiling of individual turns and refocusings, with which a subject or a research approach can make itself interdisciplinary compatible. This results in methodological pluralism, border crossings, and eclectic methodological adoptions – but not in the formation of a paradigm that completely replaces another, previous one. (Bachmann-Medick 2007, p. 17 f.)

  8. 8.

    Reckwitz (2000) elaborates his convergence thesis to the effect that the two main branches of the field of cultural studies, the structuralist-semiotic and the phenomenological-hermeneutic traditions, merge into theories of practice. I will not pursue this question further here.

  9. 9.

    Or, as Bardmann puts it: “Work organizations cannot be depicted through concepts that symbolize unity. They can no longer be understood as structures of rationality or as contexts of domination without immediately having to consider either the irrationality or the resistance of the ruled or the powerlessness of the rulers” (Bardmann 1994, p. 35).

  10. 10.

    Niklas Luhmann expressed the meaning-logical differentiality of a unit most clearly in the distinction between “means-end rationality and system rationality” (Luhmann 1968, p. 55 ff.), which expresses the simultaneous operation of different types of rationality as meaning logics in a unit. The late Luhmannian concept of paradoxical constitution and the thereby triggered intrinsic mobility of meaning units (cf. Luhmann 1997, 2000a) consistently thinks this idea further (cf. in detail Drepper 2018, p. 67 ff.). Within the framework of more recent approaches to organization theory, Nils Brunsson’s distinction between “rationality and irrationality” is certainly even more widespread (cf. Brunsson 1985). This conception also goes beyond the idea of structural multidimensionality and takes a meaning-logical constitutional difference into account, since rationality and irrationality mean different meaning-logics and not only structural aspects. Brunsson’s further conceptualization of talk, decision, and action deepens this direction by naming the operational level or modes of bringing about these logics of meaning. We will take this up again later in the text.

  11. 11.

    The non-justification of the introduction of the three meaning dimensions and the rejection of space as a fourth dimension can be found in Luhmann (2002, p. 238 f.). One can follow this dogmatically committed. Or one can deal with it as experimentally as Luhmann himself. This is the option I choose in this text.

  12. 12.

    Or as Günter (1994, p. 326) puts it for the peak phase of industrialization in Germany: “The modernizations happen in a mixture of experience and calculation. In the modernization push around 1900, a combination of production and science develops. Iron and steel stimulate the expansion of technical universities (...). The universities train qualified engineers and conduct research in association with industry.”

  13. 13.

    Pfeffer (1997, p. 2) uses the methodological distinction individuals vs. situations to make clear what difference it makes in terms of organization theory whether one determines organizational elements via units of substance or temporalized units (events). Pfeffer (1997, p. 4) draws attention to the long tradition and dominance of the concept of behavior within organizational theory and attributes the attractiveness of the topos Organizational Behavior to its high connectivity in the field of intersection between sociology and social psychology (cf. Buchanan/Huczynski 2004). At the same time, according to Pfeffer, the theory and research field of Organizational Behavior has become very broad and unmanageable due to the high connectivity and interdisciplinary appeal, but also the simultaneous vagueness, diffuseness and permeability of the collective and bundling term “behavior” (cf. Starbuck 2003, p. 144). Pfeffer (1997, p. 42 ff.) also points out that behavior and action are often not kept apart in terms of basic concepts. Baecker (1999, p. 137) already tries to demonstrate the early subcutaneous conversions of basic concepts: “The decision theories of Simon and March and Simon are in a strict sense already communication theories of organization, even if they are still formulated as theories of action or behavior” (Baecker 1999, p. 137).

  14. 14.

    Cf. Tacke and Drepper (2018, p. 42 ff.) on the conceptual-historical relevance and development of the system concept from a “conceptual scheme” to an object concept in the history of organization research. As a precursor concept, the concept of organism must be mentioned in the context of an “organology of organization” (cf. Türk et al. 2002, p. 93 ff.).

  15. 15.

    In evolutionary theory and population ecology of organization, the connection of time and social perspective is also found in the concept of organization. Here, the question of social typification is understood via the population concept and the time perspective via life cycle models (cf. Kieser and Woywode 2006).

  16. 16.

    The concept of communication has not been considered as an operative guiding concept within organizational theory for a long time, although communication theories of the organization were available early on with Chester Barnard and later with Lee Thayer. Interestingly, March’s seminal Handbook of Organizations (1965) contains an article on communication (cf. Guetzkow 1965), but not on action. In this article, communication is understood as a mode of activity in organizations, but is not yet discussed as a unit-constituting operation.

  17. 17.

    Hannan et al. (2007, p. 12) also point out the breadth and need for specification, but at the same time the relevance of the notion of operation as a “fuzzy category” in the organizational context. Overall, the paper by Hannan et al. is an important contribution to the connection between linguistic operativity and the production of type, here autologically related to the production of different types of organization theory. They propose the development of a general theory of organization through translation from natural to formalized language, through “translation from natural to formal language” (9). Through formal translation, communicative everyday observations and descriptions of organizations can, in their view, be generalized into theoretical propositions. I am not pursuing this here, I just find the connection between language, translation and the production of typicality noteworthy. We will encounter this connection again in the text. All in all, the population ecology of organization in the context of a general evolutionary theory of the social (cf. Wortmann 2010, p. 111 ff.) represents a very important approach to the connection between form and typicality.

  18. 18.

    With the distinction between “actuality” and “potentiality”, reference is made here to a phenomenological concept of meaning (cf. Luhmann 1971a, 1997, p. 44 ff.). We will return to this in detail in the second Sect. 2.4.

  19. 19.

    The distinction between the information paradigm and the materiality paradigm can be more precisely determined by adding further terms from the respective semantic field. The semantic field of the information paradigm includes terms such as meaning, event, information, knowledge, reception, construction, processing, communication, and selectivity; the semantic field of the materiality paradigm includes terms such as materiality, substance, resources, labor, production, allocation, distribution. The epistemological conception of the first case is an event-like relational construction of reality, that of the second perspective an ontology of particles and objects that can be produced, accumulated, developed and transferred.

  20. 20.

    Disciplinary strategies of dealing with the concept of communication can be observed, cognitive differentiations, so to speak, which react to the concept and reach different degrees of theorization and systematization: Communication as a topic, object and circumstance, occasion for subdisciplining (institutionalization of subdisciplines in professional societies) and theorization (basic concept).

  21. 21.

    The Grimm Dictionary of the German Language gives the following meanings for “uncanny”, among others: uncomfortable, restless, disturbing, unfamiliar, unusual, alarming and dangerous (cf. German Dictionary by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, vol. 24, sp. 1056–1058). But the uncanny also always has something attractive, appealing and exciting about it. For sociology, such a tension between rejection and attraction sometimes seems to emanate from the concept of communication.

  22. 22.

    However, the concept of “mutualistic constitution” is not clearly handled in Luhmann’s theory. In the chapter “Double Contingency” (Luhmann 1984, p. 157 ff.) Luhmann refers to a definition on the front pages of “Social Systems” (Luhmann 1984, p. 65). On the other hand, the term “multiple constitution” is found in a designated place. Which term now precedes, or whether both are to be put into one, cannot be clarified here. That Luhmann means by mutualistic constitution something like what Schütz calls “mutual knowledge” suggests itself. Although Luhmann attempts in the chapter on double contingency to proceduralize the social situation of double contingency through the entities involved in it and to no longer assume any antecedent structure, value or symbol systems as a condition of possibility – here against the Parsonian thesis of “shared symbolic systems” – this does not quite succeed, as the following quotation from Luhmann (1984, pp. 154 f.) shows: “Situations with double contingency certainly require, in order to get communication going at all, a minimum of mutual observation and a minimum of expectations based on knowledge” Cf. Ortmann (1995, p. 78) on the connection between mutualistic constitution and double contingency.

  23. 23.

    For Parsons (1968, p. 43 ff.), the question of the multi-component unity of the act of action also stood in the foreground. And the concept that was available to indicate the component nature was the concept of system as a “conceptual scheme” (cf. Tacke and Drepper 2018, pp. 42 ff.). This is also how Parson’s dictum is to be understood: “Action is system”! The analytical decomposition of the “unit act” into its constituent components then revealed purposes, conditions, norms and actors. In this context, Parsons also justifies the subordination of the spatial category for action theory

    While the phenomena of action are inherently temporal, that is, involve processes in time, they are not in the same sense spatial. That is to say, relations in space are not as such relevant to systems of action analytically considered. For the analytical purposes of this theory, acts are not primarily but only secondarily located in space. Or to put it somewhat differently, spatial relations constitute only conditions, and so far as they are controllable, means of action. (...) For it is safe to say there is no empirical phenomenon, no thing or event, known to human experience, which is not in one aspect physical in the sense of being capable of location in space. There is certainly no empirical ‘self’ known which is not an ‘aspect of’ or ‘associated with’ a living biological organism. (cf. Parsons 1968, p. 45, fn. 1)

    It is possible that Luhmann was guided by this in determining the three dimensions of meaning and left it at the classification of space in the factual dimension (“means of action”) (cf. fn. 11 in this text).

  24. 24.

    “Keywords” are socially structurally significant and referential words that address historically relevant issues and problems (cf. Williams 1976, p. 17).

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Drepper, T. (2023). Introduction: Basic Questions of a Meaning-Theoretical Organization Research. In: Operativity And Typicality. Springer, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42011-6_1

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