The World Is a Prison: Political Community in the Work of Joseba Sarrionandia

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Political Community in Minority Language Writing

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Minority Languages and Communities ((PSMLC))

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Abstract

This chapter is divided into five sections. After a biographical introduction, the second section deals with how Sarrionandia encapsulates the political in his writing through reference to language (in sociolinguistic and philosophical terms), the politics of exile and the location of Basque political community along two connected continuums: the particular and universal on the one hand and time and place on the other. The third section discusses Sarrionandia’s treatment of political violence in both his own work and personal trajectory in the wider context of democratising politics. In the fourth section, the relationship between the author and his readership is analysed in order to further problematise contestation within Basque political community. The sections above are supplemented by interview material conducted with Sarrionandia. The concluding section places Sarrionandia’s thinking on what an ontology for Basque political community might look like in a post-conflict era in the context of a reinvigorated political melancholy which looks forward to the future by a constructive reactivation of the past rather than dwelling on nostalgic remembrance.

He has provided an extremely fluid, flexible and, to some degree, contradictory set of concepts around a sense of place, the nation, and Basqueness in general.

(Gabilondo 2012: 52)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Perhaps the best known is the Basque novelist Bernardo Atxaga.

  2. 2.

    As alluded to in Chap. 1, the use of the words ‘terrorism’ and ‘terrorist’ is highly contested. In the introductory issue of the ‘Critical Terrorism Studies’ journal in 2008, the editors presented their position on the matter; ‘there are perennial thorny issues inherent to the central organising concept of the field, ‘terrorism’. The employment of such a politically charged, culturally laden, and ontologically indistinct term poses significant challenges for research practice and political praxis, and discourages many scholars from engaging with the core issues and concerns of the terrorism studies field. Scholars who wish to engage in ethnographic studies in communities or groups typically described as ‘terrorists’ in Western discourse, for example, cannot be associated with the use of the term without risking both their personal safety and the integrity of their research (Smyth and Bond 2004). More fundamentally, acts of ‘terrorism’ and even the existence of ‘terrorist’ groups are always only one small part of a broader set of contentious political struggles and conflicts; narrowing the focus of research to a single, sometimes relatively small, aspect of a broader movement risks distortion and misrepresentation, while leaving out significant other aspects and their wider social context. The response to this conundrum thus far has been to accept that there are genuine reasons for retaining the ‘terrorism’ label, whilst arguing that it should always be used and applied with extreme care and sensitivity, and that there may be times when it should not be used at all. Clearly, much more work and intellectual struggle remains to be done in regard to this issue, particularly in terms of how the ‘terrorism’ label impacts upon and structures research’ (Breen Smyth et al. 2008: 145–46).

    Likewise, critical terrorism scholar Harmonie Toros offers a general panorama for the dangers inherent in scholarly work which deals with political violence, ‘Unlike research with non-state armed groups that may involve the danger of romanticizing clandestinity and resistance, research with state actors can be dangerous through its capacity to confer legitimacy and prestige’ (2016: 175–76). This book accepts the rationale of Breen’s and Toros’ positioning.

  3. 3.

    For more on the founder of the PNV, the political hegemon in the Basque Country, see de Pablo and Mees (2005).

  4. 4.

    The other inmate was Iñaki Pikabea, a senator in the Spanish lower chamber representing Herri Batasuna, the political wing of ETA.

  5. 5.

    This is discussed further in the fourth section. An example of this can be seen in popular culture, both in the Basque Country and in Spain. In 2013, the long-running weekly soap opera ‘Cuéntame’ on the state-owned públic broadcaster (TVE) used the theme of an inmate escape in a music group’s speaker system from Carabanchel prison in Madrid. The inspiration behind these episodes’ script has been linked with the escape by Sarrionandia and Pikabea, see Blog Cuéntame (2013).

  6. 6.

    For more information on the development of standard Basque in the literary context, see Olaziregi (2012) and Aldakoa (2004).

  7. 7.

    On the social poetry of Gabriel Aresti, see Olaziregi (2012) and Aldekoa (2004).

  8. 8.

    This is in reference to the motto and symbol, ‘Bietan Jarrai’ (On Both Fronts) used by ETA to describe the dual strategy of political violence and institutional politics. The symbol incorporates two figures, ‘a snake, representing politics, wrapped around an axe, representing violence’ (Whitfield 2014: 2).

  9. 9.

    See Rodriguez (2014: 202–204) for more examples of Sarrionandia’s coupling of the ‘really existing’ and the fictional, for example in maps and diagrams.

  10. 10.

    The wider sociocultural Basque Country straddling Spain and France is usually in the singular (Euskal Herria). Here, Sarrionandia pluralises (‘Euskal Herrietan’), most likely to convey the disperse nature of political communities across the two states.

  11. 11.

    The Spanish language version of the original Basque language essay of 2010 is a significantly supplemented text and is used here. The title is also slightly different from the original version.

  12. 12.

    Awarding in this category began in 2010.

  13. 13.

    This is a fictitious place-name meaning ‘Havenharbour’. Sarrionandia plays with the reader throughout the novel who will not necessarily know which place-names on a global scale are invented and which are not. This is a technique whereby Sarrionandia decentres territory, sets it off kilter, and thereby problematises our conception of the ontology, provenance and permanence of geopolitical realities.

  14. 14.

    The word widely used in Basque for both ‘nationalist’ and patriot’, ‘abertzale’ is a turn of the twentieth-century neologism created by the founder of the Basque Nationalist Party, Sabino Arana. Its components are ‘aberria’ (homeland) and ‘-zale’ (s/he who is fond of). Although ‘abertzale’ can be perceived to bridge left-right cleavages in the post-Franco Basque Country (Morán 2004: 49), the word is currently aligned with left-wing positionings.

  15. 15.

    Jose Urioste’s hometown in the province of Bizkaia. Unlike Kalaportu, this village exists in reality.

  16. 16.

    The reinvention of the Ithaca trope praising the journey rather than the destination is also seen in the poetry of Cavafy. According to Aiora Jaka, Sarrionandia has translated six poems by Cavafy to Basque (2012: 415–16).

  17. 17.

    Maribel does this unconsciously using her own Bizkaian dialect word for flour whilst the grammar of the whole sentence slips into this dialectal form.

  18. 18.

    This is a loanword from Spanish.

  19. 19.

    It seems unlikely that it would have escaped Sarrionandia that this scene could be easily interpreted as a literary nod to his own escape from Martutene prison in 1985.

  20. 20.

    The words ‘denbora’ (time) and ‘kondena’ (prison sentence) have a certain assonance.

  21. 21.

    Political violence has been studied from a number of disciplines, including nationalism studies (Kolås and Ibarra 2018; Mansvelt Beck 2005; Mees 2003; de Pablo 2015; Muro 2005; Gillespie and Gray 2015; Conversi 2000), socio-legal, counter-terrorism, security and critical terrorism studies (Zabalo and Saratxo 2015; Muro 2019; Landa 2013; Zulaika 2009; Guittet 2008; Hamilton 2007: Douglass and Zulaika 1990), sociology (Mees 2004; Pérez-Agote 2006; Urla 1993; Edles 1999; López Romo and Fernández Soldevilla 2018; Díez Medrano 1994; Tejerina 2001), political science (Zabalo et al. 2012; Lecours 2007; De la Calle and Miley 2008; Olivieri 2015; Ibarra and Ahedo 2004; Martínez-Herrera 2002), anthropology (Zulaika 1988), peace and conflict studies (Whitfield 2014; Castells and Rivera 2017), political theory (Jeram and Conversi 2014; Ruíz 2016); sociolinguistics (Tejerina 1992, 1996), fiscal governance (Gray 2015) and Basque literature studies (Zaldua 2016).

  22. 22.

    Mikel Albisu Iriarte organised the breakout of Sarrionandia from prison. At the time of publication of Marinel Zaharrak, Albisu was directing Fernando Pessoa’s play Mariñel which had been translated into Basque by Sarrionandia (Rodriguez 2014: 78). He subsequently went into hiding becoming the head of ETA. He was detained in France in 2004, given a prison sentence in 2010 until his release in 2019 (Sainz 2019).

  23. 23.

    The headquarters of the military police Guardia Civil in San Sebastián.

  24. 24.

    See Oiarzabal 2018 on the politics of Basque diaspora.

  25. 25.

    On the history of the hegemonic role of the PNV within Basque nationalism, see de Pablo and Mees (2005).

  26. 26.

    Whitfield 2014; Hamilton 2007; Pérez-Agote 2006 and Mees 2003 deploy the adjective ‘radical’ to describe the ‘ezker abertzalea’ (Nationalist Left), the cluster of nationalist movements in favour of the creation of a socialist Basque state brought about by political negotiations as a result of continued political violence by ETA.

  27. 27.

    ETA announced its complete dissolution on 03 May 2018 (BBC 2018).

  28. 28.

    Sarrionandia takes up some of these themes in ‘Lapur Banden Etika Ala Politika’ (The Ethics or Politics of Bands of Thieves) (2015: 41–51)

  29. 29.

    See also Zabalo and Saratxo 2015 on the relationship between Spanish and French counter-terrorism activities and internal ETA positioning on the political impact of terrorism. On the impact of globalisation processes and the post-conflict era on the construction of Basque political community, see Ruíz 2016 and Jeram and Conversi (2014).

  30. 30.

    Within days of the Etxepare Institute making its press statement, the Basque language magazine Argia flew a journalist out to Havana, Cuba to take a photograph of the then 59-year-old Sarrionandia. The headline ran, ‘With this photo, I hope to have paid the debt to the society of the spectacle’, perhaps in reference to Marxist theorist Guy Debord’s ‘Society of the Spectacle’ published in 1967 on the link between the degradation of human life and commodity fetishism (Argia 2016).

  31. 31.

    A standard inside-cover autobiographical resumé for Sarrionandia in a number of his publications contains a black and white pre-1985 photograph of the author followed by a brief account of awards received during his incarceration along with a description of subsequent publications following his escape from prison.

  32. 32.

    This section uses Rodríguez (2012).

  33. 33.

    This song by the Basque rock group Kortatu, published in the same year as Sarrionandia’s escape, is perhaps their most famous song, see Weston (2011).

  34. 34.

    The Northern Basque Country, comprised of three provinces and currently situated within the French state, forms part of traditional twentieth-century abertzale territory claims, with a totality of seven Basque provinces taking in the Basque Autonomous Community, the Foral Community of Navarre and the Northern Basque Country.

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Carlin, P. (2023). The World Is a Prison: Political Community in the Work of Joseba Sarrionandia. In: Political Community in Minority Language Writing. Palgrave Studies in Minority Languages and Communities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-48894-8_2

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