Part of the book series: Global Queer Politics ((GQP))

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Abstract

Alaska y Dinarama is one of the most famous duos of the 80s Spanish pop. In “A quién le importa” they say: “Quizaì la culpa es miìa por no seguir la norma, ya es demasiado tarde para cambiar ahora, me mantendreì firme en mis convicciones, reforzareì mis posiciones. As for many LGBTI people, this verse has been a clear principle of conduct for Manuel. The day we started conversations, the blinding light of the midday sun forced us to look down to our tired shoes roaming through the concrete tiles of the street platform, perceiving the usual dust, spills, beer cans, and other marks left by the vibrant night life in Chapinero, one of the busiest districts of Bogotá.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    “Maybe it’s my fault for not following the norm / It’s too late to change now / I will stand firm with my convictions / I will strengthen my positions”. This is an excerpt of the lyrics of “¿A quién le importa?” [Who cares?] (1986), one of the best-known songs of Spanish duo Alaska y Dinarama (Berlanga & Canut, 1986). This tune became an anthem for many “misfits” challenging oppressive social norms, but especially for those defying the commandments of heteropatriarchy. This song—in its original version and in a popular rendition by Mexican singer Thalia (2002) on her homonymous album—is particularly emblematic during “pride” parades and parties in Latin America and Spain.

  2. 2.

    Relevant insights on the importance of this district for the social and cultural dynamics of people with non-normative gender and sexualities in Bogotá can be found in Avendaño Carrascal (2014), Castellanos (2016), Delfín Macías (2014), Luna Thorrens (2011), Ramirez Arcos (2014), Rivera Sotto and Mancipe Moreno (2012), Rodríguez García (2011), and Torres Díaz (2014).

  3. 3.

    The more recent report of the human rights situation for trans people in Colombia is still concerning, as it is reported by local organisations such as Colombia Diversa and Caribe Afirmativo (2018).

  4. 4.

    The latest reports from RedTraSex: Red de Mujeres Trabajadoras Sexuales de Latinoamérica y el Caribe [Latin American and Caribbean Network of Women Sex Workers] give a general account of the main challenges faced by women sex workers in the region. Some legal reforms have recognised labour rights to sex workers, who still face discrimination and multiple expressions of violence (RedTraSex, 2018). In the particular case of trans women sex workers their situation could be even worse given their gender identity, as it is claimed by RedLacTrans: Red Latinoamericana y del Caribe de Personas Trans [Latin American and Caribbean Network of Trans People] and it is evidenced in several of their reports (RedLacTrans, 2018). One of the main local organisations working for the human rights of trans women sex workers is Santamaría Fundación [Santamaria Foundation], from Cali (Colombia), whose latest report exposes the hostile environment still faced by this population (Santamaría Fundación & Observatorio Ciudadano Trans, 2018). In the case of Bogotá, an organisation specialised in trans human rights is Fundación GAAT: Grupo de Acción y Apoyo a Personas Trans [GAST Foundation: Group of Action and Support for Trans People] (GAAT, 2019), along with a grassroot group of trans women sex workers from Santa Fe neighbourhood, Red Comunitaria Trans [Trans Community Network] (Red Comunitaria Trans, 2019).

  5. 5.

    In interview for a traditional local TV programme, Manuel stated that his interest in the work of his mother as a fashion designer and his father as an architect were his original motivation to get involved in the visual arts (Panorama, 2017).

  6. 6.

    The title of this section is related to the denomination of his bachelor thesis in visual arts: “Manu Mojito: La diva del arte” [Manu Mojito: Art diva] (2011). For more information see Parra (2011).

  7. 7.

    The story behind his artistic name is tied to a social event. Around his fourth year in visual arts studies he was working in wedding photography with a friend, and with their first payment they went to celebrate with some drinks. They went to a trendy cocktail bar, and after some “mojitos” [popular drink made of a mix of rum, sugar, lemon, and mint] the barman asked them to pay the bill, as they were rather drunk, and when he asked Manuel his name to put on the bill he just answered “Manu”. Instead of his last name the barman suggested “Mojito, Manu Mojito”. They laughed and started joking, and that night he changed his Facebook name to”Manu Mojito”. The next day at University everyone called him by that nickname and, as he never had a nickname, he decided to adopt it as his artistic name (Parra, 2017e). This artistic name reflects his fascination with the glamour (and excess) of contemporary nightlife.

  8. 8.

    The name Madorilyn is the combination of the names Madonna and Marilyn [Monroe], two of her biggest inspirations. The outstanding story of this performer is told in the book part of the project “La Familia Crawford” [The House of Crawford] (Manu Mojito, 2015b) which will be analysed in the next section of this chapter.

  9. 9.

    According to Manuel, a project he would like to develop at some point in the future is connected to the rituals that trans women sex workers in the Santa Fe neighbourhood perform to get luck or protection. One of them is related to the figure of Marilyn Monroe. Monroe is an iconic figure for many of these trans women, and just before they go to the streets to offer their services as sex workers they put some lipstick on the lips of a Marilyn Monroe’s picture, ho** to attract men but not love, as it is believed was the case in Monroe’s life (Parra, 2017a).

  10. 10.

    As an example of this policy, he highlights the fact that he selects the dresses that they wear during the runways he organises. Manuel does not ask them to bring their own clothes, as he considers they are not suitable for a traditional fashion show, since their clothes tend to be more revealing for their work as their objective is to seduce. He wants people to see his subjects in a different light (Parra, 2017d).

  11. 11.

    This work is a photographic series with the same title, where the artist presented glamourous portrayals of well-known artists, collectors, and curators alongside his alter ego Manu Mojito.

  12. 12.

    Inspired in both Irvin Kershner’s “Eyes of Laura Mars” (1978), a mystery film about a clairvoyant fashion photographer, (IMDb 2019a) and Marion Cotillard and Franz Ferdinand’s “The Eyes of Mars” (2010), a music video produced for French fashion house Dior (IMDb 2019b), this project plays with topics of magic, clairvoyance, and fashion to address the current roles in the mainstream artistic scene. In the description of his promotional video for this project, Manuel depicts it as follows: Contemporary man is always looking for his inner-self, which is why he deploys different techniques such as yoga, Indian practices, tarot, palm, and cigarette readings, and a number of actions to help him in this self-discovery process./The exhibition “Eyes of Mars” by Manu Mojito, proposes a new universe where the viewer can explore the past, present and future of the artist. Likewise, the artist invites the viewer to know their destiny through a central performance. The exhibition has a series of objects, photographs and videos that the artist presents for the first time [My translation] (Manu Mojito 2015a).

  13. 13.

    This project consists of a series of video-performances related to the double standards that many trans sex workers have witnessed in their work: for instance, well-known politicians call them to ask for their services at night, while during day time they attack the rights of women and LGBT people. In these videos he juxtaposes the voices of trans sex workers offering their services over the voices of those moralist politicians giving sexist, misogynistic, and transphobic speeches. It is described by Manuel as follows.

    Slippery Slope is the indiscreet reiteration of the extreme search, where the immediate opportunity and convenience, filtered from the formula of commands and hierarchies, that are aroused by the evasive and blanched constant of the excesses, correspond to the code of the caste and the trend [My translation] (Manu Mojito, 2014).

  14. 14.

    This is a photographic and video-performance project around an enigmatic diva, whose gender is unknown to the audience. Manuel describes it as follows: Who is Tyra Jansen? shows in a funny way the fame constantly pursued in a world where craft does not matter, and approaches a public fascinated with the meticulous study of trans existence, its different denominations and how to be trans without generalizations or prejudices; where a perspective on the spectator and his endless capacity for surprise is formulated [My translation] (Manu Mojito, 2013).

  15. 15.

    This photographic project on trans networks of care and affection will be described and analysed in detail in the next section of this chapter.

  16. 16.

    This performatic and photographic project on the subversion on conventional representations of racialised and hypersexualised trans subjectivities will be described further in this section.

  17. 17.

    This photographic series portraying trans women who work in different fields in Colombia and Mexico will be described and analysed in detail in the next section of this chapter.

  18. 18.

    This project consisted of a performance that challenged the notions around gender of the audience of the “Bogotá Queer Festival”. Manuel describes it as an “Arm wrestle between the audience of the Queer Festival and Manu Mojito, who is the queerest?” (Manu Mojito, 2015c).

  19. 19.

    This web-show on trans issues conducted by trans women will be described and analysed in detail in the third section of this chapter.

  20. 20.

    This is a criticism made also by different interviewees aimed at physical performance around gender and sexualities labelled as “queer” or “post-porn”. It seems that “predictability” about the deployment of religious elements and symbology or non-normative sexual practices is a commonplace experience of these works or even a stereotype that blurs the appreciation of these performances.

  21. 21.

    Some casual sexual encounters between men in this theatre were captured during the 1970s by the lens of Miguel Angel Rojas (1946–), a Colombian artist who is considered a pioneer in bringing topics of non-normative sexuality to the local mainstream artistic scene. His photographic work with homosexual cruising became canonical and it is internationally acclaimed. A fragment of the Serie Faenza: Antropofagia [Faenza Series: Anthropophagy] was included in the collection of the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) in New York (US). This artistic institution describes his work and contribution as follows:

    Rojas is a conceptual and multimedia artist who has explored experiences of marginality in Colombia through a variety of mediums, including painting, drawing, video, and photography. These five photographs from Rojas's pivotal Faenza series document clandestine sexual encounters between gay men at the Faenza Theater, a decaying B-movie cinema built during the 1920s in Bogotá.

    Furtively exploring this subculture of sexual acts in the shadows of public space, Rojas shot the largely invisible community with a camera hidden in his suitcase or concealed under his jacket. He set the focus of the camera without looking through the viewfinder, using the movie screen as the only source of light. The resulting images are ghostly records of the spaces and experiences through which a community of men and Rojas himself began to understand and express their sexuality (MoMA, 2019).

  22. 22.

    The pictures shot during this performance are some of the best-known works of Manuel.

  23. 23.

    He acknowledges that this kind of discrimination could happen, as it is detailed in the first episode of his web series Macabra [Sickening] (2015). However, he wants to focus his attention in the fear that is instilled in them that it might happen, based on previous experiences of discrimination as an issue that paralyses them and restricts their freedom.

  24. 24.

    It is manifest in this statement, as it is visible in his work, that Manuel’s conception of a “good life” for trans women is conceived in terms of wealth and glamour, which might be also a dream for many of them living in the margins of a consumerist society like contemporary Bogotá.

  25. 25.

    An untold reference for Manuel, and for many artists working with topics of gender, has been the work of Spanish film-maker Pedro Almodóvar (1949–), whose interest in women and dissident expressions of normative gender and sexualities has produced many memorable films where trans women have iconic roles such as “Todo sobre mi madre” [All about my mother] (Almodovar, 1999). Regarding the relevance and impact of his work as a prominent representative of the cultural phenomenon called la movida madrileña [the Madrilenian scene], see reflections such as Carmona (2009), Escudero (1998), García-Olano (2013), Menor (2010), Sánchez-Carbonell and Colomera (2003), Sarabia (1995), Sotinel (2010), and Stapell (2009).

  26. 26.

    The support Manuel has found in the mainstream artistic scene is based on a positive perception of his work by important Colombian artists and curators, such as Fernando Pertuz and Ana María Lozano, who have had public conversations with him (MAMBO, 2018) and have included his artistic work in key exhibitions of political art (Arte Socialmente Comprometido, 2017).

  27. 27.

    During my ethnographic observation of his work I had the chance of listening to some of his supporters, such as Madorilyn and Pamela, who consider Manuel’s work to have had a positive impact on their lives.

    Another positive review by a trans woman about Manuel’s story and work with trans women can be found in Díaz (2017).

  28. 28.

    This is one of the toughest zones of the city, especially for trans women, who suffer constant harassment and abuses, that could come either from pedestrians, clients, and even police officers. In this sense, the work of this organisation, which is led by trans activist Daniela Maldonado, is crucial for many of them in order to resist the violence that they still face in their everyday lives, to overcome marginalisation and thrive as subjects of rights. A study on the political work of this organisation can be found in Cepeda-Bolívar (2017).

  29. 29.

    Parces [Pares en Acción-Reacción contra la Exclusión Social—Peers in Action-Reaction against Social Exclusion] was an NGO working with human rights of historically marginalised communities (Parces ONG, 2016).

    Among other initiatives, they were allies of the Red Comunitaria Trans in different projects. However, due to internal disputes, Parces disappeared and some of their members created a new NGO called Temblores [Tremors/Earthquakes], which kept a similar objective (Tello, 2017). After these changes, the Red Comunitaria Trans took public distance of their past allies.

  30. 30.

    The adjective “specular” in this notion comes from Kristeva’s “thought specular”, which she uses in her analysis of the relationship between cinema and fantasy. According to Restuccia (2010), for Kristeva “the ‘thought specular’ both designates and denounces fantasy: it lures the spectator to locate his/her fantasies and then to empty them out” (p. 123).

  31. 31.

    The term is different from the current sassy Anglo-Saxon approach to this term, in the form of “spilling the tea” which alludes to tell the truth, or “sip** the tea” to share some gossip.

  32. 32.

    The book also includes an English version of this text entitled “The Crawfords: Transsexual family album as a place for agency” (Aguirre, 2015a).

  33. 33.

    Traqueto is Colombian slang, noun, and adjective, that denominates people, objects, and situations connected to drug trafficking, its lifestyle of wealth, excess, and, often, “poor taste”.

  34. 34.

    Balada and rancheras are two traditional musical genres, which were produced mostly in Mexico and became highly popular during the 1960s, ‘70s, and ‘80s throughout Latin America.

  35. 35.

    This title refers to a homonymous popular song of the 1980s and ‘90s by Chilean rock band Los Prisioneros (1986), which could be deemed an anthem for a young generation who live and get by in the margins.

  36. 36.

    Aguirre’s English translation of the name of the family [The Crawfords] alludes to the traditional nomenclature deployed to address normative families, being consistent with her analysis of Manuel’s representational work in this project. Nonetheless, I offer a different translation [The House of Crawfords] as I notice that this family, their relationships, and their approach to glamour as an uncanny resemblance of ‘Houses’. Their name does not come from the legal surname of any of their funding members, but instead they call their house after the name of US supermodel Cindy Crawford.

  37. 37.

    “House of Tupamaras” is a group of young urban queer men that brought the culture of”voguing” to the mainstream stage in Colombia, positioning their dance as a political statement against homophobia and misogyny. Their work, political stance, and projects have been covered by domestic and international media outlets (El Espectador, 2018; Esquivel, 2018; Latinamerican Post, 2018; López, 2018; Raversmag, 2017; Ruge, 2017; Thump Colombia, 2017; Umpi, 2017).

  38. 38.

    A critical approach to the widespread tradition of beauty pageants in Colombia can be found in Rutter- Jensen (2005).

  39. 39.

    Aware of this long-standing cultural practice within the trans community, Manuel has worked for several years with the support of Halim Badawi’s Fundación Arkhé [Arkhé Foundation] to buy personal collections of photographs of trans women from different cities of Colombia. With such collections, Badawi and Manuel are consolidating the largest trans photographic archive in the country, which includes images of many different trans beauty pageants, being a testimony of such spaces for community-building and resistance to violence.

  40. 40.

    This contest disappeared in 2015 as a consequence of the mounting pressure of violent actors, including threats and crimes against former participants. However, this disappearance gave place to the creation of Chaparral Diversa [Diverse Chaparral], a local organisation working to defend the human rights of the LGBT population of this town.

  41. 41.

    This analysis is shared by the research team that produced “Aniquilar la diferencia” [To Annihilate Difference] the first report on historical memory of the LGBT population in the Colombian armed conflict (Centro Nacional de Memoria Historica, 2015).

  42. 42.

    In an interview for a local newspaper, Pamela narrated one of the most frightening episodes she faced as a trans woman sex worker in the Santa Fe neighbourhood. She was dragged by four men and her hair got stuck in the tires of the strangers’ vehicle. She recalled “I was left with lacerations all over my body that remind me that day, as well as several scars left by the men who wounded me with knives” (Malaver, 2015).

  43. 43.

    However, for British photographer Byron Newman, it was possible to provide glamorous representations of trans women in sex work without leaving aside their raw eroticism and sensuality (Tsjeng, 2017).

  44. 44.

    Some trans people criticised Manuel’s decision of using a photograph of three trans women in prison as the cover of the project (Fig. 24), as they did not feel represented by them at all. He defended his decision in an interview with Mexican vlogger Salvador Nuñez, arguing that he felt the need to make visible all trans women, even those in jail, who also have needs that require proper attention (Parra, 2017b).

  45. 45.

    This is a common expression in Colombia, used by many who face financial hardship to address their efforts to do whatever it takes to survive.

  46. 46.

    This contest was harshly criticised, not only by the usual religious and conservative sectors opposing rights and recognitions for “LGBT” individuals, but by activists and scholars who found this pageant counter-productive. One of the main criticisms was that public funding should not support these kind of events, since they perpetuate damaging stereotypes of feminine beauty, and increase the pressure on trans corporealities to undergo aesthetic procedures, many times in dangerous and clandestine conditions.

    However, the contest also received the support of trans women, who considered it an integral part of their culture and identity, and even a space for empowerment and visibility needed by this marginalised population (Sentiido, 2013).

  47. 47.

    Another common Colombian expression that is related to the basic income necessary to eat and cover other vital expenses.

  48. 48.

    According to Manuel, some people expressed criticisms towards the inclusion of Madorilyn in El Rebusque, since she is neither transsexual—she identifies herself as a female impersonator—nor sex worker.

    However, he defends her participation as she is “La Madre” [The Mother] and he will include her whenever he wants (Parra, 2017b).

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Correspondence to César Sánchez-Avella .

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Sánchez-Avella, C. (2024). Manuel. In: Cultural Activism around Gender and Sexualities in Colombia and Mexico. Global Queer Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-47855-0_4

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