Abstract
The aim of this chapter is to investigate the diachronic evolution of the participial construction with the copular verb in Greek, that is, eimí ‘be’ + (present, aorist, perfect) ‘participle’. Previous research has revealed that Ancient Greek developed several participial periphrases which were characterized by a synchronically variable and diachronically changing degree of integration into the verbal system. Changes have been attributed not only to system internal causes, but also, in the case of the present participial periphrasis, to translational interference from a Semitic language. The current research seeks to discuss the mechanics of the syntactic change that was responsible for the emergence and development of these constructions. Specifically, while it is maintained that the constructions under examination started out as manifestations of the same syntactic pattern, they diachronically followed divergent paths which were determined by their inherent properties. This functional divergence must be attributed to a gradual process that cumulatively led an originally non-verbal predication sentential type to accrue more salient verbal properties than the original copular schema. The motivation identified behind this process is paradigmatic (rather than contextual and syntagmatic) and based on successive analogical map**s of different (more verbal than adjectival) types of participles in the same syntactic pattern. In this context, external factors mainly concern translational effect on the language of a specific period rather a long-term development, resulted by systematic language contact. Finally, the proposed analysis is discussed with regard to its implications for the syntactic reconstruction of PIE.
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Notes
- 1.
In the context of the IE linguistics, the term periphrastic is traditionally used to include constructions formed by the copula verb BE or the possessive verb HAVE (Gk. ékhō) (or event other semi-copula verbs like the Ancient Greek tygkháno ‘happen to be’). In this chapter, I am concerned only with BE-periphrases. Hence, the terms periphrastic construction or participial periphrasis are used with reference to HAVE-pattern.
- 2.
The usual term used for the centuries that follow ClGk is Hellenistic-Roman Greek (or Koine Greek) (see e.g. Horrocks 2010). However, the term PClGk is preferred for two reasons: first, it can broadly refer to varieties of Greek that deviate from the typical Koine of the New Testament (i.e. more literary or middle register Greek); second, it can be more easily include in its reference the first centuries (6th–8th c. AD) of Medieval Greek. This flexibility is a significant advantage, especially if it is kept in mind that is notoriously difficult for a convincing line to be drawn between late antiquity and the early middle ages (cf. Horrocks 2020: 485; Rafiyenko and Seržant 2020: 1–2). In Sect. 3.1, Ι explain why I opted to include the first medieval centuries in the research scope of this chapter.
- 3.
Let it be noted that these terms do not refer to each periphrasis’ functional content, which can differ considerably from the one implied by these labels.
- 4.
- 5.
According to Aarts (2007: 180), the passive gradient can be analyzed as either a case of intersective or subsective constructional gradience.
- 6.
The close relationship between the synchronic notion of gradience, gradualness and grammaticalization has been alluded to by Haspelmath who states that “since grammaticalization is generally regarded as a gradual diachronic process, it is expected that the resulting function words form a gradient from full-content words to clear function words” (Haspelmath 2001: 16539). See also Traugott and Trousdale (2010).
- 7.
- 8.
Some researchers (e.g. Heine et al. 1991) focus on the cognitive forces, and consider grammaticalization as originating in metaphorical thinking, while others (since Traugott and König 1991 and Traugott and Dasher 2002) emphasize conceptual metonymic thinking (e.g. the semanticization of the ‘invited inferences’ during the pragmatic manipulation of semantic content of specific lexical items or Traugott’s notion of subjectification). In both perspectives, the result is the loss of more concrete (lexical) semantic content and the retention of more abstract (grammatical) meaning.
- 9.
However, attention should be drawn to some interesting regionalisms (e.g. I am finished my homework) which occur, according to Comrie (2020: 10–12), as innovations in Present Day English.
- 10.
- 11.
Post-Classical encompasses the periods of Hellenistic-Roman Greek (3rd c. BC–4th c. AD) and the first centuries of Early Medieval Greek (5th c.–8th c.), as noted in footnote 1. In the last centuries of Early Medieval Greek and in the subsequent periods of Late Medieval and Modern Greek, the Greek participial system changed considerably in terms of its morpho-syntax (see Manolessou 2005; Gorton 2013). I will not touch upon these periods in this paper (see Giannaris 2011a).
- 12.
- 13.
Crellin (2020: 449) adds that ArGk perfect is compatible with change-of-state predicates as well. In this case, perfect’s role is to de-transitivize the predicate. However, the great majority of instances pertain to state predicates.
- 14.
Interestingly, the verb teléō is found in twenty-four of the total amount of cases in the Homeric texts (Giannaris 2011a: 123).
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
In the literature, this increase has been often discussed in connection with the general tendency of the language to adopt a more analytic (than synthetic) means for the codification of grammatical meanings which was caused (or reinforced) by the koineization process (see Moser 2009: 204–205). The possible interconnectedness between periphrasis and the sociolinguistics of the particular period is not discussed here.
- 18.
Other perfect meanings (anteriority, current relevancy) were taken up by the monolectic aorist (see Moser 1988, 2009: 212–215). Nevertheless, it must be noted that the monolectic active perfect met with an ‘unexpected’ strengthening of its use in some literary texts of the Hellenistic-Roman times, see Crellin (2016, 2020).
- 19.
It is worth noting here that the only case of morphological degradation of the participial form is attested in the case of the aorist periphrasis with pluperfect meaning in Medieval Greek. The loss of the nominal agreement features instantiates the advanced stage of grammaticalization that this construction has reached at least since the early medieval times (see Giannaris 2011b).
- 20.
- 21.
- 22.
In a recent account, Sitaridou (2022) contends interestingly that basically for a language contact change to set off it is necessary that the recipient language must already have, even marginally, a structurally equivalent pattern to that which is copied by the source language. In this sense, contact theory becomes explanatorily somewhat redundant.
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Giannaris, T. (2023). The Development of the Copular Participial Periphrases in Ancient Greek: Evidence for Syntactic Change and Reconstruction. In: Lavidas, N., Bergs, A., van Gelderen, E., Sitaridou, I. (eds) Internal and External Causes of Language Change. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-30976-2_5
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