Abstract
This chapter deals with the literature on Europeanisation. It provides a detailed investigation on the influence of the European Union on political parties. This chapter engages with various scholars of Europeanisation including Radaelli, Bulmer and Ladrech to explain how the European Union can influence states and entities such as political parties. The chapter is divided into two providing a detailed an insight into the characteristics of Europeanisation as well as an analysis on how the European Union can influence party politics. The chapter concludes that Europeanisation is not simply the ability of the European Union to influence party politics, but also, the way the European Union is used by these parties in order to gain political advantage.
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Notes
- 1.
Beichelt et al. (2019) provide another interesting interpretation of Europeanisation. They believe that Europeanisation is the transition period between historical and modern processes. These periods are usually dominated by conflicts and political crises in Europe.
- 2.
The difference between the two is that the first-generation literature (1970–1990) focuses on the direction and development of the European Union as an agent of change (Adshead, 2002) by taking the classical top-down approach (Radaelli 2000a, b; Börzel & Risse, 2003). Whereas second-generation literature has moved away from the assumption approach embraced by first-generation scholars in order to focus on finding empirical evidence of the change which the EU is producing within national systems (Adshead, 2002). In fact, most of this literature (1990–2008) reflects the development which the European Union has gone through including the accession (from 1995 onwards) of 16 new member states (the last being Croatia in 2013). A third-generation literature is currently emerging which is attempting to explain the rising Euroscepticism in Europe, trying to find a rationale for Brexit and its impact on the future of Europe.
- 3.
Most of the studies on the impact of Europeanisation on small states focus on their role in influencing EU policies rather than the impact of the EU on them. Others do not distinguish between small and large states in their studies.
- 4.
Sartori (2005) classifies the different party systems depending on the strength of these parties and the number of parties represented in national parliaments. His classifications include; two-party systems with two parties competing for the absolute majority of votes; and multiparty systems which he divides into limited pluralism with not more than five relevant parties competing for power, and extreme pluralism with up to eight relevant political parties (Wolinetz, 2009). Siaroff (2000) offers an alternative approach by categorizing eight different party systems which include; (1) pure two-party systems with two parties sharing at least 95% of the total votes, (2) moderate multiparty systems with up to five parties surpassing the 3% threshold, (3) moderate multiparty systems, with one party dominating the rest, (4) moderate multi-party systems with two main parties, (5) moderate multiparty systems with different parties enjoying equal support, (6) extreme multiparty systems with one dominant party, (7) extreme multiparty systems with two main parties competing dominating the others, and (8) extreme multiparty systems with a number of parties enjoying similar popularity (Wolinetz, 2009; Siaroff, 2000).
- 5.
The Conditionality clause makes an interesting case study as until now, scholars have failed to discuss its place within the EU literature. As the regulations within the Conditionality clause are decided by the EU technocrats, the Conditionality clause can be seen as an element of European Integration. The conditionality clause could also fit in the EU-isation literature. The reason for this is that this process analyses the impact of the EU during the negotiation stage. Still, much of the available literature on Europeanisation places the top-down impact of the Acquis communautaire within the Europeanisation process.
- 6.
Whilst countries will have to abide by these regulations, bargaining usually takes place during the negotiating process. Therefore, countries have tools which they use to achieve some concessions.
- 7.
These three elements are especially important as they highlight the limitations of conditionality not just in Central and Eastern European states, but as it will shown in the next chapters, also in other states such as Malta.
- 8.
As of 2014, the traditional right-left parties in the European Parliament are the European Peopleʼs Party (EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D), with other parties including the Renew Europe group (RE), the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) and the Greens/European Free Alliance.
- 9.
The literature has told us little on the rationale behind the national political parties’ decision to join a European party group. National political parties will traditionally join a European party group with a common doctrine based on Christian Democracy (right) and Social Democracy (left) (Charalambous, 2011). However, whilst this element is important when choosing a European party groups to align themselves with, political parties will be also aided by another important element; that is their EU approaches, as Eurosceptic parties have no place within the EPP or S&D, no matter how ideological similar they are. In addition, parties’ ideologies (Ennser, 2012) and EU approaches evolve over time, which is one of the reasons why parties shift from one European party groups to another according to their needs.
- 10.
Another vote had taken place in 2015, but due the opposition from the EPP, the vote was narrowly rejected by 3 votes.
- 11.
For Gerbaudo (2019) digital parties are political parties which use digital technology to provide new forms of political participation. These are considered as internet parties which are using digital technology, mostly internet and the social media, to campaign against the traditional political parties and establish a closer relationship with the electorate.
- 12.
The Dutch case is particularly interesting as a study discovered that 85% of the Dutch parliamentarians were in favour of the Constitutional Treaty and campaigned in favour of it. In the end, only 39% of the Dutch voted yes (de Wilde et al., 2013).
- 13.
Colin Hay (1999) provides an important critique of Downsʼ (1957) voting behaviour model. Hay believes that one of the main weaknesses in Downs’s theory is his assumption that voters are well-informed and that they will use their time to acquire information through political parties and experts amongst others before going to vote. In addition, the fact that people go out and vote when their individual vote will hardly make any difference is seen as irrational, with Downs failing to provide any real explanation of why people still vote in the first place. Hay rejects Downsʼ electoral system explanation that votersʼ preferences are fixed as this does not explain why political parties work to shape the distribution of policies indicating that political strategies are indeed important during electoral campaigns. Regarding these critics, Gray and Wuffle (2005) believe that there is no other model which explains the rationale behind votersʼ decision to vote (even though the Michigan School of Voting emerged as an alternative to Downsʼ model) with Downsʼ critics only questioning his approach without giving any alternatives. In addition, Downs himself understood the weaknesses of his electoral participation model which was elaborated and strengthened along the years by Shubik (1968), Ledyard (1984) and Riker (1982) amongst others. Even though Downsʼ model has a number of shortcomings, Olters (2001) believes that the model is still useful to understand politicians and votersʼ behaviour (which is the reason why it is still one of the most sought models) as it brings together economics and political science, using economic tools to investigate political process.
- 14.
Regional and Local Elections can also offer the same opportunities.
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Cachia, J.C. (2023). Europeanisation and Party Politics: A Review. In: The Europeanisation of Party Politics in Malta. Springer Series in Electoral Politics. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23290-9_2
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