Abstract
In a representative standard work on music history, the topic of interest in this article is discussed as follows: “After 1849, the design of purely instrumental concert programs was entirely new. Symphony concerts now often no longer featured vocal performances. The symphony concert as we know it today did not emerge in many places until the end of the nineteenth century. In the Leipzig Gewandhaus, the first concert without soloists took place during the 1904 season.” (Musikgeschichte. Ein Grundriß, vol. 2, Werner Felix et al. (eds.), Leipzig 1985, 537). In contrast, this contribution assumes that purely orchestral concerts, called “symphonic soirées,” began in 1827 at the Berlin Residence under the court musician Carl Möser. It is not difficult to see that the novelty was often disseminated on the basis of the Berlin model, for example in Wroclaw (1838), Gdansk (1845), Szczecin (1851), Bremen (1859), Dresden (1848 and 1858), Stuttgart (1862) or Hamburg (1862). Against the background of the firmly established tradition of mixed concerts, for which the 'Gewandhaus type' was representative—meaning the combination of the instrumental and vocal concert, including vocal and instrumental solos—a considerable start-up time was sometimes required before the new concert format found acceptance, if not compromise for the sake of acceptance was the order of the day. Looking ahead to the turn of the century, the day's discussion focused on ideas about “program reforms” that asked the 'Gewandhaus type' to bloodletting for the sake of art. Program profiles, as they can be found around or after 1900 in concert institutes of Basel, Berlin, Frankfurt a.M., Cologne, Leipzig, Munich or Vienna, point to an inconsistent concert practice, which is why the assertiveness of the reform ideas can be answered and judged with a yes and a no.
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Notes
- 1.
The title of this contribution does not fully reflect the intended content. In German it would read: “Im Namen der Kunst und des Fortschritts”. What is meant “die Kunst” will become clear in the course of the study.
- 2.
In this article, the terms concert and concert institute refer to standing (regular, periodic) winter or series concerts of professional civil and court orchestras.
- 3.
Thrun (2020), pp. 333–341.
- 4.
N.N. (1840).
- 5.
Thrun (2020), pp. 333–341.
- 6.
N.N. (1848).
- 7.
Wagner (1967), p. 349f., footnote 1.
- 8.
Richard Wagner, circular letter “An die verehrten Herren Musikglieder des Orchester,” Riga, 11 September 1838. In: Wagner (1967), p. 348f.
- 9.
Hanslick (1869), p. 382.
- 10.
- 11.
Lange (1844), no. 6, unpaged.
- 12.
Huschke, (1982), p. 169f.
- 13.
v. Zuccalmaglio (1838), p. 118: “[…] this time Hermann has even thought of vocal music, and has songs, choruses and arias performed alternately, whereby the garden musics grow into complete concerts”.
- 14.
See Kropfinger (1980), pp. 301–379.
- 15.
An example is given for the 1837/38 season: “Möser has organized in this season as usual 18 subscribed and 3 extrasoireen. Beethoven plays the leading role here, next to him Mozart and Haydn” (Truhn 1838, p. 49).
- 16.
Kropfinger 1880, p. 371. —William Weber overlooked the eminent role Carl Möser played as co-creator of symphonic soirées; “Möser,” he wrote, “directed a public concert series whose programs offered the usual mixture of opera overtures and excerpts, virtuoso pieces, symphonies, and sometimes quartets” (Weber 2008, p. 130). In Möser's concert series, exactly the opposite was the case! The misjudgement was not without consequences insofar as Weber tended to give priority to the Vienna Philharmonic Concerts: “The Philharmonic programs were the earliest examples of the ‘pure’ format of three pieces followed by major orchestras at the end of the nineteenth century” (ibid., p. 205). The evidence Weber cites refers to concerts of March 10, 1844 and March 7, 1847 (Wiener Philharmoniker 1842, p. 57).
- 17.
Marx (1830), p. 29.
- 18.
Truhn (1838), p. 49.
- 19.
Truhn (1839), p. 111.
- 20.
- 21.
Hanemann (1874), p. 75f.: “It was he [Möser] who first awakened a sense for classical music in Berlin through his quartets and symphony-concerts, which he performed with the help of the orchestra, albeit for his own benefit”.
- 22.
In the period in question, concert organizers spent about a quarter of their expenses on the fees of soloists (Stephenson 1928, p. 74, cf. here the foundation minutes from 1828; Blum 1975, p. 203). —The orchestra available to Möser was, on the one hand, half of the kgl. chapel with 45 members, and on the other hand, the theater orchestra school with accessors from the kgl. chapel, which formed a second orchestra of up to 60 members. See Truhn (1838), p. 49; Lange (1849), p. 365.
- 23.
T. (1845), p. 371.
- 24.
Geyer (1846), nos. 3, 24 and 25, here: no. 24, unpaged.
- 25.
On the establishment of residential city concerts see Thrun (2014).
- 26.
Kahlert (1842), p. 110: “Berlin is the gathering place of North German knowledge, rich in institutions for the arts through the generosity of the Prussian kings. It has brilliant operas, large and small singing societies, Möser's quartet and symphony evenings. If it had not been for this valiant private enterprise, a large part of the classical musical works would be little known in Berlin”.
- 27.
- 28.
N.N. (1867b), pp. 465–466.
- 29.
- 30.
Lange (1844), no. 6, unpaged.
- 31.
Lange (1844), no. 6, unpaged. —Lange's statement accommodates ways of research that give preference to perspectives on the history of ideas of the bourgeois concert and are guided by the supra-temporal construct of an 'ideal–typical' determination of the symphonic concert; see Dahlhaus (1978), pp. 51–53; cf. further the distinction made by Hanns-Werner Heister between an emphatic and pragmatic category of the concert (Heister 1983, vol. 1, p. 32f., 42); see also Gossett (1989).
- 32.
Krüger (1844), p. 114: “Pietistic! that is, interpreted in bona partem, entering the Kunsthalle with earnest piety, with holy need, and not leaving a finger's breadth of space to the intrusion of the mob either”.
- 33.
W. (1871), p. 111.
- 34.
To Brendel see the contribution of S. Reilly in the present volume. (The eds.).
- 35.
Brendel (1856), p. 117: “Symphoniesoirées. These are more one-sided, but in such one-sidedness more consistent, and in them it is easier to avoid the confusion in the arrangement of the musical pieces. […] Nevertheless, it must be said that singing is to the concert what the eye is to the face, the sun to the landscape. One only avoids the difficulties if one omits the singing, one eliminates, one does not overcome them”. —The reservations did not prevent Brendel from placing the symphony and overture at the top of his hierarchy of values: “As always, the performances of the orchestra under the direction of Mendelssohn, Gade and David, through the often accomplished, mostly excellent, rarely less successful execution of the symphonies and overtures, formed the high point of the Gewandhaus concerts. Here, through the performance of these works, art is prepared a sacred place [Hier, durch den Vortrag dieser Werke ist der Kunst eine geheiligte Stätte bereitet], here, indeed, the most glorious is performed, which must fill with enthusiasm especially those who are not already accustomed to it through many years of listening and who have become numb to this excellence (Brendel 1845, p. 191).
- 36.
Brendel (1862), p. 110.
- 37.
Kahlert (1840), p. 147.
- 38.
Cossmaly (1982), pp. 90–102. —On the concert activities of the Künstler-Verein between 1846/47 and 1847/48, see Neue Berliner Musikzeitung (1, 1847, pp. 25f., 58, 89, 350) and Neue Berliner Musikzeitung (2, 1848, p. 140).
- 39.
Thrun (2019), p. 113f.
- 40.
See Behr (1912).
- 41.
The indication of the life data follows Michalak (2012), p. 110, footnote 28.
- 42.
Chrysander (1867), p. 347.
- 43.
L. … z. (1848), p. 222.
- 44.
k (1847), p. 186.
- 45.
k (1847), p. 187.
- 46.
k (1848), p. 122.
- 47.
- 48.
Chrysander's inventory (1867, pp. 368, 374) allows the comparison that in Szczecin (ca. 70,000 inhabitants) Kossmaly's symphony-concerts around 1865 found no more than 90 subscribers, while in the industrial city of Zwickau (ca. 25,000 inhabitants) the Musikverein für Vocal- und Instrumentalmusik (founded in 1856) came to 600 subscribers. The enormous difference in popularity may also be due to the fact that the Stettin Concert Institute, as it was called in 1864, was “unfortunately only accessible to the moneyed aristocracy due to the high entrance fees” (N.N. 1864, col. 195).
- 49.
Hillgenberg (1883), p. 477.
- 50.
Prost 1916, p. 21f.
- 51.
Chrysander (1867), p. 343.
- 52.
Bremer Sonntagsblatt, November 7, 1860, quoted from: Blum (1975), p. 250: “The symphoniesoireen have to keep to the ground on which they move, for it is the quite correct and fruitful one; orchestral works and only these are the task here. Solo playing and the performance of vocal compositions must remain the inviolable domain of private concerts […]”.
- 53.
Quoted from: Blum (1975), p. 272f.
- 54.
Blum (1975), p. 248: “How long these concerts [the symphony-concerts established by Reinthaler in 1859] lasted is still unclear. It is possible that they were later continued in concerts at the Künstlerverein, to which, however, soloists and choirs were also added”.
- 55.
N.N. (1862), p. 639.
- 56.
N.N. (1867a), p. 26.
- 57.
- 58.
The trade press offers only unspecific information on this; see W., F.W. (1848), p. 157.
- 59.
Brendel (1848), p. 196. —Surprisingly, in 1848 Adolf Bernhard Marx, who had previously praised Möser's quartet and symphony soirées without reservations, agreed with Brendel's view: “Or does one seriously believe that it is possible—and often possible—for the art lover to take in three quartets or two symphonies and two overtures in succession with sensual soul-warming devotion and lasting profit for mind and artistic practice? —For my part, I will believe it from the evening on, when two tragedies are performed one after the other. Until then, however, I will and must deny it. The human soul must not be imagined like a well pipe, through which the water flows indifferently and without a trace (except that the pipe becomes rotten after straight), right in and left out” (Marx 1848, p. 147).
- 60.
Chrysander (1867), p. 349.
- 61.
N.N. (1868b), p. 140: “The six subscription concerts of the royal orchestra in the hall of the Hôtel de Saxe, which holds a maximum of 600 people, present only instrumental works for official and financial reasons, whereby it is to be lamented that even classical solo performances by the members of the orchestra are excluded: one thinks here in this respect strangely small and narrow-minded”.
- 62.
N.N. (1863), col. 310: “Four such similar pieces of music in uninterrupted succession, even without a major pause, is not only exhausting for the listeners to the highest degree, but also equally tiring for the performers. […] and the assertion is not bold that the great majority of those involved on both sides leave the hall after the end of the concert in over-saturation and exhaustion”.
- 63.
N.N. (1863), p. 310.
- 64.
See Reichert (1908).
- 65.
Dresden und das Elbgelände (ca. 1905), 53: “In winter (October to March): two times 6 symphony concerts of the Königl. Kapelle in the Royal Opera House (6 without soloists (Series A), 6 with soloists (Series B). The seats are all in firm hands, also in the dress rehearsals on the morning of the concert evening in question, with the exception of the dress rehearsals of series A.”.
- 66.
Stephenson (1928), p. 145: “At the committee of the Philharmonic Society, Stockhausen pushed for the increase of the concerts to six per winter, among which two were to be devoted exclusively to orchestral works, but unfortunately they did not last”.
- 67.
Clara Schumann to Johannes Brahms, letter of November 25, 1863, quoted from: Stephenson (1928), p.145.
- 68.
Stephenson (1928), p. 154.
- 69.
Sittard (1890), p. 325f.
- 70.
Chrysander (1867).
- 71.
Since Chrysander reckoned with the inadequacy of his statistics, a contemporary finding that assumed 90 concert institutions in 80 German “concert cities” is not surprising (Senff 1867, pp. 969–973).
- 72.
Chrysander (1867), p. 356.
- 73.
Popular classical garden and hall concerts had different formats. Liebig organized restoration concerts in gardens or garden establishments (when it rained or in winter), but also offered concert cycles in the Singakademie at higher admission prices.
- 74.
Chrysander (1867), pp. 342, 360.
- 75.
Julius Stockhausen to Clara Schumann, letter of March 3, 1868. In: Julius Stockhausen (1927), p. 307.
- 76.
Bollenbeck (1999), p. 84f.: “But what does cultural hegemony mean more precisely? The claim of the educated citizens to define what is to be understood by art and to attribute to themselves what the arts achieve becomes reality in the nineteenth century, because ideas about art and developments in art confirm each other. […] Admittedly, there are differences between a highly tuned semantics of art and a banal practice. Schiller and Goethe are praised, but are they read?”.
- 77.
N.N. (1867a), p. 26.
- 78.
K (1847), p. 186.
- 79.
Krüger (1844), p. 113. —Krüger echoed the views of skeptics with the predicates “stereotypical” and “monotonous”. Ultimately, he pleaded for symphony soirées as a metropolitan concert offering: “For Berlin, London, Paris, Leipzig, etc., I would rather suggest that this one-sidedness […] be carried out quite thoroughly” (Krüger (1844), p. 119).
- 80.
N.N. (1863), p. 310.
- 81.
N.N. (1868b), p. 140.
- 82.
The Copenhagen Music Society (founded in 1836) had “so-called symphony-concerts” alternate with instrumental and vocal concerts in the 1840s (H. (1847), col. 228).
- 83.
Brendel (1848), p. 196.
- 84.
Weissmann (1925), p. 102.
- 85.
N.N. (1865), p. 182.
- 86.
N.N. (1867b), p. 465f. —The article includes concert statistics for the period from 1842 to 1867.
- 87.
N.N. (1867a), p. 26.
- 88.
Kunze (1983), p. 27.
- 89.
Admittedly, the impression is sometimes given that the critics took over the representation of the audience's interests. However, there are also known cases in which visitors addressed concert directors directly in order to emphasize their wishes, as happened in Chemnitz in 1836 with the petition: “Without singing, especially without choirs, every concert, no matter how beautifully played and blown, lacks the charm of diversity and variety, and male choirs, no matter how well they are performed, have an unavoidable monotony if they recur again and again” (quoted from: Rau (1932), p. 63).
- 90.
Hans von Bülow to Hans von Bronsart, letter dated December 7, 1877, quoted from: Hinrichsen (1999), p. 80.
- 91.
Cf. the program examples presented by Hans-Joachim Hinrichsen (1999, p. 60f.).
- 92.
Puls (2007), pp. 24–38.
- 93.
Kretzschmar (1881), p. 221f.
- 94.
Kretzschmar (1881), p. 218: “The conditions under which the music societies operate today are in many cases more difficult [than in the past]. […] Today, the recruitment of external artists causes considerable costs everywhere; the dilettantes in the orchestra have had to be replaced by paid professional musicians”.
- 95.
Weingartner (1912a), p. 130.
- 96.
Riemann (1900), p. 225.
- 97.
Riemann (1900), p. 202. Riemann passed over the fact that similar complaints had long been known; see Brendel (1854), p. 46: “Classical works of art are tolerated in order to give the whole a worthy background. The virtuosos, especially the singers, are the actual stimulants, those for variety, for animation in general, those to give the whole the right spice. See also N.N. (1868c), p. 258: “A large part of the concert audience unfortunately places the main emphasis on the performances of a female singer […]”. —It is known from the Hallenser Bergkonzerte that between 1874 and 1892 about 132 female artists, including 100 female singers, performed (Schwetschke 1910, p. 67f.).
- 98.
Riemann (1895), p. 8.
- 99.
Riemann (1900), p. 225.
- 100.
Schnitzler (1935), p. 29f.
- 101.
Schnitzler (1935), p. 96f.
- 102.
Quoted from: v. Orelli (2009), p. 62.
- 103.
Weissmann (1925), p. 101.
- 104.
Weingartner (1912a), p. 126.
- 105.
It is sometimes noticeable that concert societies were so ashamed of this “bad habit” in retrospect that they omitted the documentation of vocal and instrumental solos in their own program listings—usually under the pretext of lack of space; see Gondolatsch (1925), p. 22: “Songs, arias, a cappella choruses, solo pieces for individual instruments—with the exception of the concerts—have been left out due to lack of space”.
- 106.
Kretzschmar (1903), p. 87: “The goodness of a program lies in the spiritual coherence of the works heard, and this coherence must exist as much between the concerts of a season as between the numbers of the individual concert”.
- 107.
- 108.
I take the expression “program reformer” from Leopold Schmidt (1909), p. 53.
- 109.
- 110.
Schmidt (1909), p. 52.
- 111.
For the sake of fairness, it should be remembered that in bourgeois subscription and concert societies, the choice of program was usually in the hands of concert directors. Therefore, the view that conductors always identified with their programs is out of the question. It turned out, for example, that Julius Rietz caricatured the Gewandhaus concerts he conducted, with brief interruptions, from 1848 to 1860 as “‘Kaleidoscope Concerte,’” which he “regard[ed] as a necessary evil that he could not prevent.” The same dissent troubled his successor Carl Reinecke, who in 1889, not for the first time, had reason to complain “that every concert with two soloists forces us to the quite unartistic point of view of reducing the orchestral numbers to a minimum, i.e. to choose orchestral numbers as short as can be found, if we do not want to exceed the period of two hours”. See Creuzburg (1931), pp. 95, 102.
- 112.
- 113.
Hausegger (1921), p. 183.
- 114.
Hausegger (1921), p. 172. —Locked print in the original!
- 115.
Wilhelm Mauke, quoted from: Heister (1983) vol.1, p. 313.
- 116.
- 117.
The subsequent comments are based on the following sources: Mörikofer (1926); Weissmann (1921); Wackernagel (1958); Frankfurter Museums−Gesellschaft, archive. https://www.museumskonzerte.de/service/programmarchiv/. Accessed 20 October 2021; Seipt (1988); Die Gewandhaus-Konzerte zu Leipzig 1981, pp. 377–542; Wiener Philharmoniker (1942).
- 118.
Ziemer (2008), p. 104.
- 119.
Creuzburg (1931), p. 134: “As stated earlier in treatment of Reinecke's time, Nikisch created a transformation in the soloist question in that—something Reinecke had not succeeded in doing despite his efforts—he placed the 'emphasis on orchestral performances' by causing the Gewandhaus management to engage only one soloist for a concert”.
- 120.
N.N. (1912), quoted from: Peter Muck 1982, p. 389.
- 121.
- 122.
Hausegger (1921), p. 37–41.
- 123.
Weingartner (1912b), p. 15.
- 124.
The only exception was the 1933/34 season, in which two purely “soloist evenings” with piano pieces and piano songs were included in the program (Seipt 1988, p. 244).
- 125.
Kleinertz (2008), p. 108f.
- 126.
Walter Mörikofer did not quite want to admit that vocal and instrumental solos always remained present in his period of investigation: "In many respects, the symphony concerts before the turn of the century showed a somewhat different face than we are used to today. The focus was on the cultivation of pure art, but the concerts also had to fulfill a social function. The programs were therefore much more varied, and the soloists often delighted the audience with the performance of small, entertaining solo pieces and ditties" (Mörikofer 1926, XXII).
- 127.
Mörikofer (1926), pp. 26, 73, 121f., 124, 127, 145–149, 216–223, 225–227, 229–231, 233–235, 238–242, 244f.
- 128.
Mörikofer (1926), pp. 132, 144f., 159f., 164f.
- 129.
Mörikofer (1926), pp. 155, 170, 188, 219, 223f., 228, 236, 245f.
- 130.
Weingartner (1912a), p. 130: “When I took over the Berlin concerts in 1891, I limited solo participation to one concert a season, and yet the income has increased fivefold over the years. This may be considered an exception”.
- 131.
Wiener Philharmoniker (1842), p. 80.
- 132.
After the Kiel performance of the work (1915), the press judged: “‘m Siegerkranz’ and the Marseillaise. In the process, France gets quite a beating, in that its national anthem, which is nevertheless full of verve, is distorted in an almost monkey-like manner. Both songs are later joined by ‘Deutschland, Deutschland über alles’ (Germany, Germany above everything) and all three are processed and distorted in a way that makes a mockery of the folk song, until Germany alone is left. —In this way, we will probably not overcome the French; even in music, they would remain victors” (quoted from: Kopf (2001), p. 122).
- 133.
Weingartner (1912b), p. 15.
- 134.
Bihrle (1911), p. 165f.
- 135.
- 136.
Hausegger 1921, pp. 169–184. —This is Hausegger's ‘inaugural speech’, in which he announced, in the interest of “serious art practice”, that a “fight against styleless programs” was imminent and that the “evil of a haphazard program arrangement” was to be eliminated by “a reform carried out in the sense of stylistically pure programs”; in addition, the principle should prevail of "having an educative effect" on the audience, whose “sense of style […] is very reduced” (Hausegger 1921, pp. 169, 172, 178, 183f.).
- 137.
- 138.
Ziemer (2008), p. 103.
- 139.
Ziemer (2008), p. 103.
- 140.
Hausegger (1921), p. 172.
- 141.
In his ‘farewell speech’ (Hausegger 1921, pp. 37–41), he spared neither the public nor the press. As a statement of faith, he adopted an alienating understanding of art as the “brightest emanation of the human spirit" and the "most important cultural factor,” and he passed off his affinity for totalitarianism as humble artistry that, for the sake of the dignity of art [um der Würde der Kunst willen], must insist on its “educational significance” (Hausegger 1921, p. 37).
- 142.
The horizon of open questions can be hinted at with an observant note by Hugo Riemann (1900, p. 201): “That […] no Wagnerian overture is played [in the Gewandhaus concerts], although Richard Wagner was born in Leipzig, goes without saying; for the Gewandhaus honors the memory of Mendelssohn far too much to open itself up to the author of ‘Judaism in Music’”. The resolution of the Lübeck Society of Friends of Music to forego performances of English, French, and Russian music during the wartime winter of 1914/15 was along similar lines (Hennings 1921, p. 47); Wilhelm Furtwängler commented on this in a program note: “If we […] limit ourselves to German music this year [1914/15], we do so because German music is the best. And we may be grateful to the war that it makes us aware of our own riches here as well, that it points us back to ourselves” (quoted from: Bartels/Zschacke 1997, p. 65).
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Thrun, M. (2023). In the Name of “Art” and Progress: Symphony Soirées as a Novelty. Exclusions of Choral and Solo Singing and Virtuosity?. In: Heister, HW., Polk, H., Rusam, B. (eds) Word Art + Gesture Art = Tone Art . Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20109-7_21
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