Abstract
This chapter offers a brief overview of the development of SLTV since the first satellite transmissions, with attention to intermedial changes and influences, the confluence of technological and socioeconomic change, changes in geographic source of programming, and the demographic impact of migratory flows. This is followed by a working definition of SLTV and PLTV, and an introduction to the conceptual parameters and research implications of “Latinx diasporic audience” and corresponding modes of spectatorship. There is also a section on research methodology.
The nation-state continues to produce ‘standard’ maps of territory, administrative units, resources and population, but the cultural logic of neoliberal multiculturalism adds to the kinds of maps produced.
—Sarah A. Radcliffe (2010, 299)
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Notes
- 1.
I signal the neorealist approach of this film less to make a claim regarding its positioning with respect to contemporary Latinx cinema, and the legacy of neorealism in Latin American cinema, than to call attention to the strategies that situate it with respect to lived historical experience.
- 2.
In the film, Julio is part of the political opposition to the dictator Anastasio Somoza, whose methods of political repression (including torture) prompted many Nicaraguans to leave the country as refugees.
- 3.
On this point, and for a nuanced discussion of the gender politics in Después del Terremoto, see Fregoso 1993, 96-105.
- 4.
Cf., for example, Anna McCarthy’s analysis of television viewing at point of purchase in McCarthy 2001.
- 5.
My translation, incorporating elements of the translation appearing in García Canclini 2001, 39.
- 6.
The first Spanish-language television station in the United States was founded by José Cortes in San Antonio, Texas, in 1955. It soon gave way to control by the SIN network; Piñón 2013, 76.
- 7.
According to Castellot, Telesistema Mexicano representatives offered full support to the general manager and director of production of KTVU during a visit by the latter to Mexico the same year. Viewers in San Francisco could also access international programming through KEMO Channel 20. Ibid., 163.
- 8.
In the early 1980s, Televisa owned 75% of SIN; Ibid., 247. The technological and legal (FCC) conditions for this transmission were in place as of 1973; Parsons 2015, 678-680.
- 9.
- 10.
There are differing figures given for the percentage of the Latinx audience that could be reached, depending on the source; Wilkinson has shown the disparity, for example, between figures generated by Arbitron and Strategy Research Corp. prior to the implementation of the Nielsen Hispanic Television Index (NHTI) in the early 1990s (Wilkinson 2016, 135); and he also mentions the figure of 85% coverage of Latinx households for Univisión by late 1988 (Ibid., 121).
- 11.
Hispanic Business (December 1994): 52, quoted in Ben-Amor 2001, 93. While there is little doubt that the growth in purchasing power can be attributed to Hispanic population growth during this same period, the existence of employment opportunities in light manufacturing, as well as service professions, deserves mention.
- 12.
Rankings from Variety, 25-31 August 1997, quoted in Ford 1999, 99.
- 13.
In the early 1990s, 15.3 million households in Mexico owned at least one television set (Wilkinson 2016, 187). In a different study, published in 1995, it was found that Argentina had 97% penetration of television sets, Brazil had 85%, Chile had 90%, Colombia had 83%, Mexico had 85%, Peru had 67%, and Venezuela had 88% (Schneier-Madanes 1995, 172, 177, 182, 186, 203, 216, and 230).
- 14.
Hence, the demand for SLTV in the United States functioned as a kind of “remittance system” for Latin American television enterprises, in a way analogous to regular remittances sent by migrants homeward.
- 15.
For a discussion of import substitution production in Brazil, involving the reduced scheduling of imported U.S. programs and in this case encouraged by government incentive and the formation of a strong central industrial base, see Straubhaar 1984, 229-234.
- 16.
According to a Mexican diplomat stationed in Miami, Florida, most Mexican migrants began to arrive in that state in the 1990s, given job opportunities in farm labor, construction, and services; most of South Florida’s Mexican immigrants are located in Homestead; email communication, Mexican consular diplomat 2014.
- 17.
The number of cable subscribers nationwide went from 16 million in 1980 to 53 million in 1990; California Cable and Telecommunications Association 2017.
- 18.
In 2014, people of Mexican origin accounted for 64% of the total Hispanic population in the United States; Stepler and Brown 2016. And, according to figures provided by Alejandro Portes and Rubén Rumbaut, Mexicans constituted the largest group of new legal immigrants in 2011; see Portes and Rumbaut 2014, 95.
- 19.
Appadurai 1996, 31.
- 20.
The remaining percentages are Mexican cinema, 19.25%, Latin American cinema, 2.48%, European cinema, 2.48% (Ibid.).
- 21.
- 22.
As of 2002, domestic programming dominated prime time slots in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela (Fox and Waisbord 2002, 17).
- 23.
- 24.
The “space” also includes France and Italy; see Armand Mattelart, Xavier Delcourt, and Michèle Mattelart, International Image Markets: In Search of an Alternative Perspective (London: Comedia 1984), cited in Moran 2009, 93. In several ways, this “Latin space” has been overshadowed by a) the formation of a common, supranational market linked to the European Union, in which German-language and other national televisions have become as accessible to Spain as “Latin”-sourced programming, and b) the flow of Latin American television to Spain since the 1990s has strengthened the transatlantic bond beyond what might have been possible among the Latin-rooted European countries.
- 25.
For a definition and brief history of global circulation, see Moran 2009, 16-17.
- 26.
For an analysis of crossborder reception, showing viewers’ preference for Spanish-language television, see Lozano 1996.
- 27.
As Wilkinson points out, some of these ownership changes were facilitated by the 1996 Telecommunications Act, which expanded the allowable percentage of ownership to 35%; Wilkinson 2016, 164.
- 28.
This is the term used by networks and polling organizations to refer to the geographical areas corresponding to actual broadcasting markets. In the case of the cities I am examining, the dma includes, but is not exactly coterminous with city limits, which is why I have chosen to broaden the frame of my field research to include metropolitan areas reached by the broadcast signal of SLTV networks.
- 29.
As a sign of these “higher stakes,” advertising spending on SLTV increased from $220 million in 1992 to $3 billion in 2006 (Wilkinson 2016, 242).
- 30.
For insight into aspects of the boom, notably as relates to the careers of Jennifer López and Ricky Martin, see Negrón-Muntaner 2004, 233-36, 241-46, and 253-59.
- 31.
- 32.
This listing is based on cities served by local SLTV stations, as well as the ranking of cities in terms of Hispanic population (these are first, second, third, fourth, sixth, eighth, eleventh, twelfth, and sixteenth largest in Hispanic population, respectively), according to Pew Hispanic Research based on tabulations of American Community Surveys for 2014; “Hispanic Population and Origin,” 2016.
- 33.
The MundoFox network as initially designed was short lived due to ratings problems and underwent a name change to MundoMax when Fox International Channel sold its share to Colombia’s RCN TV in July 2015; see Malone 2015.
- 34.
According to Marc Rosenblum and Doris Meissner, the IIRIRA “greatly (expanded) administrative authority for nonjudicial deportation decisions by DHS immigration enforcement officers and…(limited) grounds for relief from removal” (Rosenblum et al. 2014, 2). Since 1996, there has been an increase in formal removals (including “expedited removals”) and “immigration-related criminal charges for unauthorized immigrants” (Ibid. 3, 14). The effects of the IIRARA on immigrants were aggravated by the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) and the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA), which together with the IIRIRA “limited noncitizens’ access to public benefits and legal protections” (Blizzard and Batalova 2019). In her well-researched memoir, Once I Was You, journalist Maria Hinojosa discusses how the IIRIRA criminalized many immigrants and set up impediments to the naturalization process; Hinojosa 2020, 157-58.
- 35.
84% of Detroit respondents said they had HDTV, and 6% said they were thinking of purchasing one; of those asked, 43% of Los Angeles respondents had a HDTV and 7% said they were thinking of purchasing one.
- 36.
For coproductions and distribution arrangements between Colombia and Mexico, see Rincón and Martínez 2014, 170-73 and 182, n7.
- 37.
According to Kenton Wilkinson, Telemundo claimed it was the first to transmit an entire newscast on the Internet, yet Univisión was more aggressive in establishing and making active use of the consumption of its digital presence (Wilkinson 2016, 224-25).
- 38.
In 2009, the U.S. Bureau of the Census found that less than 50% of people with less than a high school education used computers, as compared to 95% of college graduates and people in households earning at least $75,000 per year; there was also a growing percentage gap between “white” and African Americans; see Roberts 2010, 186.
- 39.
A significant portion of research conducted in the Miami metropolitan area was conducted in collaboration with Sallie Hughes, with the assistance of Juan Muhammad and Randall Martínez; focus groups were conducted at Miami-Dade College and the University of Miami as well as two local non-profits. Research results presented here pertain to pregroup surveys, as well as surveys at large. For details regarding the focus groups, see Hughes 2018 and Chap. 5 below.
- 40.
Advocates filing appeals following the Hallmark sale included the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, and the Mexican-American Bar Association; advocates protesting the Perencchio-Televisa sale included the League of United Latin American Citizens, the GI Forum, the National Hispanic Media Coalition, the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, and Telemundo (Rodríguez 1999, 63, 65).
- 41.
As Susan B. Coutin has described, some migrants, such as Salvadorans, may have experienced a loss of rights in their country of origin even though they are citizens; see Coutin 2000: 589-591. Denationalization might also include the turn toward translocal citizenship in the greater Mexican community; see Fitzgerald 2000, 32-39. Puerto Ricans might also be considered denationalized citizens, insofar as the island of Puerto Rico remains a territory of the United States and voting in national elections is limited to Puerto Ricans who reside on the mainland; for a succinct discussion of Puerto Rican nationhood and cultural identity in historical context, see Negrón-Muntaner 2004, 3-9.
- 42.
While it is inadvisable to generalize about Latinx needs and interests (and differences in experience have been emerging among those who are Spanish- as opposed to English-dominant), in terms of “need,” there are clear signs that at present, many Latinxs suffer from greater disadvantages in pursuing higher education, access to affordable healthcare and housing, vulnerability to various forms of fraud, and inequities in pay and benefits. The double burden placed on Latinx women is especially striking: according to 2016 census bureau estimates, the estimated child poverty rate was 22.1% for Latinxs, and the family poverty rate for Latinx female headed households was 35.7%, higher than it was for African Americans and non-Hispanic white households; Julián Samora Policy Institute 2019. Moreover, according to the AAUW, “Hispanic women and Latinas” earn 54 cents for every dollar earned by men (lower than for Native Americans, African Americans, and women in general), “The Simple Truth about the Gender Pay Gap,” American Association of University Women bulletin. The increased restrictions on immigration, not to mention aggressive measures taken to apprehend, detain, and deport unauthorized immigrants and refugees over the past few years, coupled with the impact of the coronavirus, have only worked to aggravate these disparities and hardships.
- 43.
Wilkinson has commented that SL programming through V-me is accessible on PBS affiliated channels and has correctly observed that it is marketed as SL public television (Wilkinson 2016, 273).
- 44.
For details on the history of the decline in the representation of ethnic minorities on public television, see Perlman 2016; see Casillas 2014 for a discussion of Latinx contributions to public radio programming, including bilingual public radio. The most notable example of a bilingual Latinx presence on U.S. public radio is Futuro Media Group’s Latino U.S.A., produced by Maria Hinojosa, which has been on the air since 2010.
- 45.
Allison Perlman has related how the FCC ruled against community advocates’ arguments for an improvement in Latinx ownership and representation, on the grounds that SLTV is not in competition for the same market as ELTV (Perlman 2016).
- 46.
See, for example, the table “Ownership of National Television Broadcasting Networks and Production Houses,” in Piñón 2014, 26.
- 47.
An actual personage in Brazilian history, the story of **ca, the African slave who became the consort of the Portuguese governor of Minas Gerais, was first fictionalized in a novel by João Felicio dos Santos, then adapted into a screenplay for a homonymous film directed by Carlos Diegues (1976) prior to being “remade” as a television series with a story written by Agripa Vasconcelos and directed by Walter Avancini and Jacques Lagôa (Rede Manchete 1996).
- 48.
Mexican and Venezuelan talent was recruited for telenovelas in Argentina beginning in the 1980s (Mazziotti 1996, 98-102).
- 49.
For an informative discussion of how globalization affected television in Spain, see Maxwell 1997.
- 50.
For a discussion of the ideological underpinnings of and discursive distinction among these cultural forms, see García Canclini 1982, 47-66. As García Canclini points out, the three categories of cultural production mentioned above are often found in an intermingled state; Ibid., 58-59. As will become clear in the chapters that follow, SLTV bridges and renders supple the boundary between these categories of cultural expression.
- 51.
- 52.
- 53.
Among the more important informal citizenship actions covered by SLTV were the 2006 immigration reform marches, which drew hundreds of thousands into the streets of 140 cities nationwide. For an excellent description of the marches, as well as subsequent actions by Dreamers leading up to the Dream Act, see Hinojosa 2020, 219-221, 238-242.
- 54.
See the commentary by Amaya 2011, 183-184.
- 55.
See Casillas 2014, 209-210, 215; and advertising producers at a Hispanic media summit in New York City, October 2010 complained about the chronically low budgets they were given to work with. As Wilkinson 2016, 262 has observed, advertising revenue can fluctuate in response to special events, such as political elections and World Cup soccer games, as was the case for Univisión in 2006.
- 56.
Jonathan Gray has written about how TV criticism serves as an important “paratext” that can “set the parameters” for viewer engagement, see Gray 2011, 115.
- 57.
Under representation of Latinxs and other people of color was also the subject of a special hearing of the congressional judiciary committee (“Diversity in America” 2020).
- 58.
As of September 2016, the FCC established a “25 percent benchmark for foreign investment in U.S.-organized entities that control a U.S. broadcast, common carrier, or aeronautical fixed or en route radio licensee;” FCC 2016.
- 59.
For a consideration of how “cultural proximity” between programming and viewer factor into patterns of spectatorship and the growth and resilience of national programming, see Straubhaar 1991, 39-59.
- 60.
I have taken inspiration from three of the guidelines laid out by the Working Group at SUNY Buffalo (2012), as well as some of the precepts of grounded theory.
- 61.
For an explanation of this method, see Silverman and Patterson 2015, 14-15.
- 62.
The average age for Latinxs was 27.7 years old as of the 2010 census (compared to 36.8 for the population at large), Wilkinson 2016, 269.
- 63.
- 64.
This is the number of self-identified Latinxs in the U.S. census who have stated that they speak Spanish at home; from a Univisión analysis of 2014 ACLS data, see “Español in America” 2016. According to a Pew Hispanic report, Latinxs accounted for 54% of U.S. population growth between 2000 and 2014; see Stepler and López 2016. A more recent study has found that 23% of children speak a language other than English at home (Ryssdal 2019).
- 65.
This figure pertains to documented immigrants; Observatorio de Inmigración-Centro de Estudios y Datos 2011, 43. The current Latinx diasporic population in the Community of Madrid is around 650,000; Observatorio de Inmigración-Centro de Estudios y Datos 2017, 4; cf. Instituto Nacional de Estadística 2017, which shows the population from four (Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador) out of the twelve Latin American source countries as totaling 432,774 in 2016; Ibid., 4.
- 66.
Voting permissions for noncitizens in Spain will be discussed in Chap. 5.
- 67.
As Kenton Wilkinson has noted, the term “Gen-ñ” has undergone several definitions (Wilkinson 2016, 222); generally speaking, it refers to a post-migration generation of Latinx millennials.
- 68.
This is an example of a change to questionnaires and survey content based on grounded theory: I began to look at transnational networking through SLTV in more detail after conducting research in Madrid, Spain, and Miami, Florida.
- 69.
For an excellent historical account of how Latinx consumers were transformed into a market for corporate products, and the ways in which the “how to” market became just as important as the cultural content of marketing, see Dávila 2001: especially 56-87.
- 70.
For more on racial stratification and eclipsing in Latin American-derived programming on SLTV, see Dávila 2001, 168-69.
- 71.
Alignment is a term introduced by Carl Plantinga to describe the spectator’s experience of film representations utilizing a cognitive, rather than psychoanalytical approach to understanding spectatorship (Plantinga 1999).
- 72.
In my study, these issues emerged in two areas of the survey questionnaire—the reasons for viewing SLTV, and issues that viewers felt should be addressed by both ELTV and SLTV; see Tables 4.5 and 4.6.
- 73.
By “subpublic,” I am referring to spaces that are not readily visible to denizens outside of a given community. Alternative public spheres have often been created within neighborhoods with a heavy immigrant population because of the need to protect those who are unauthorized immigrants. I will be commenting more on such spaces in Chap. 4.
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Benamou, C.L. (2022). Not So Niche: Innovation, Access, and Opportunity in the (Ibero) American Mediascape. In: Transnational Television and Latinx Diasporic Audiences. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11527-1_2
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