Abstract
The main part of this chapter analyses the ways in which the major conservative parties on both sides of the Atlantic have successfully reversed many of the policies associated with the New Deal and the welfare state and the long period of Keynesianism after 1945. These ways include a willingness to break longstanding legal and constitutional arrangements, to destroy or marginalise alternative centres of power, to exploit the economic crises that are the inevitable concomitant of free market capitalism, and to capitalise on deep social and cultural grievances. The conservatives have been assisted in this by the readiness of some progressive parties to accept and even endorse Neoliberalism, and to switch their focus from economic to social and cultural issues. In the final part, we make some suggestions about how the progressive parties might go about staging a ‘progressive counter-counter-revolution’.
This is the essence of the Conservative Party’s role—to formulate policy that conserves a hierarchy of wealth and power, and to make this intelligible and reasonable to a democracy. (Norton & Aughey, 1981: 47)
The persistent trick of modern politics … one that appears to fool us repeatedly … is to disguise economic and political interests as cultural movements. (Monbiot, 2020)
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Dionne (2016: 134) reports Senator Barry Goldwater as saying in 1996 that he would now be seen as a liberal Republican. In the UK, the parallel exclusion of moderates was symbolised by the September 2019 expulsion from the Conservative Party of 21 MPs who had opposed Boris Johnson’s Brexit legislation. They included several Ministers, two former Chancellors and Winston Churchill’s grandson.
- 3.
Katica Roy (2020) provides a good summary of the various ways in which the ability to vote is being directly constrained in the US. According to the independent Brennan Center of Justice, 19 states passed at least 34 laws restricting access to voting in 2021, and as of January 2022, at least 13 bills restricting access to voting had already been filed for this year (Blow, 2022). A 2020 paper by Vincent Mahler, based on a cross-national analysis of developed democracies, also finds an indirect relationship, with the rate of electoral turnout being positively related to the extent of Government redistribution. This is especially the case where the redistribution is accomplished through transfers that affect the lower part of the income spectrum.
- 4.
For a similar analysis for the UK, see Freedland (2021). Two articles in The New York Times in December 2021 (Bernstein and Staszewski; Greenhouse) argue that Republican populism now dominates the Supreme Court. One area where President Trump was highly effective was in populating the Federal courts with conservative justices. According to the Pew Research Center (Gramlich, 2021), the President left office having appointed over 200 judges to the Federal bench, including as many powerful appeals court judges in four years as President Obama did in eight. Federal judges have lifetime tenure so the conservative influence in the courts will continue almost indefinitely. Hacker and Pierson (2020: 159) quote the Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell, as saying in January 2019:
My goal is to do everything we can for as long as we can to transform the federal judiciary, because everything else we do is transitory.
This strategy has now borne fruit in the Supreme Court’s June 2022 decision, in Dobbs vs. Jackson Women’s Health Organisation, to abolish the constitutional right to an abortion (Greenhouse 2022).
- 5.
- 6.
A January 2022 Washington Post-University of Maryland poll showed that 40% of Republicans felt it was ‘justified’ in some cases for citizens to take ‘violent action against the Government’ (Fedor, 2022).
- 7.
A 2018 study (Geraci et al.) suggests that access to broadband internet has led to a significant drop in forms of offline interaction and civic engagement. We should also note William Davies’s view (2020: 33) that this epistemic crisis reflects the Neoliberal politicisation of the social sciences, metrics and policy administration which ‘means that the “facts” produced by official statistical agencies must now compete with other conflicting “facts”’.
- 8.
The authors do not offer any theory about the reasons, but they do speculate that ‘there could be a connection to tensions arising from neoliberal policies which were defended on rational arguments, while the economic fruits were reaped by an increasingly small fraction of societies’ (Scheffer et al., 2021: 6).
- 9.
Robert Putnam (2020) thinks that what is needed is an ‘upswing’ towards economic growth and social equity, as experienced between the two wars and the 1960s. Based on how America entered into the Progressive Age (after World War I), he identifies the following requirements: active citizenship; local, grassroots activism leading to, and needing, regional and national consolidation; astute political entrepreneurs (like Teddy Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, and later FDR); and the mobilisation of youth.
- 10.
In an admiring, even fawning, Atlantic profile of Johnson, Tim McTague (2021) writes:
To him, the point of politics—and life—is not to squabble over facts; it’s to offer people a story they can believe in.
- 11.
Francis Fukuyama (2022) has suggested that the Russian invasion of Ukraine has done huge damage to populist leaders who previously expressed sympathy for President Putin (Matteo Salvini, Jair Bolsonaro, Eric Zemmour, Marine Le Pen, Viktor Orban and Donald Trump).
- 12.
Barnett and Lawson (2020) identify 48 conservative seats where the combined ‘progressive’ vote surpassed the Tory total in 2019, enough to deprive the present Government of its Commons majority. At the 2021 Labour Conference, delegates representing the Party’s membership voted 4 to 1 in favour of PR. Informal cooperation between Labour and the LibDems undoubtedly contributed to the 2021Conservative by-election losses in Chesham and Amersham and North Staffordshire, as well as Labour holding on to Batley and Spen. There are now press reports (e.g., Parker & Cameron-Chileshe, 2022) that Labour will fight only a minimal campaign in the Liberal Democrats’ top 30 target seats at the next general election. A November 2021 analysis by Best for Britain found that if the progressive parties were to field a single candidate in only a quarter of English parliamentary constituencies, this would be sufficient to remove the Government’s majority. A September 2021 poll under the aegis of Make Votes Matter found a majority of voters in favour of PR, including voters from each of the major parties. Yet under the Elections Act 2022 the Government has removed the remaining Proportional Representation systems where they previously existed, in mayoral elections and police and crime commissioner elections (Behr, 2021).
- 13.
Legislation introduced by the Democrats to counter the new voting restrictions and change the filibuster rules to enable it to pass was lost in the Senate in January 2022 (Hulse, 2022).
- 14.
According to the Electoral Reform Society (Garland et al., 2020), in the 2019 general election over 22 m votes were ignored (70.8% of the total) because they went to unelected candidates or were surplus to what the elected candidate needed to win. In the US, the over-representation of rural areas and the under-representation of urban areas is well-established (e.g., Silver, 2020).
- 15.
Ideally, our political parties should be funded through a mixture of public and personal funds, with strict limits and full transparency (Foges, 2022). The close links between the very wealthy and the Conservative Government have recently been highlighted by a press investigation of a secret advisory board of major donors with direct access to Ministers (Pogrund & Zeffman, 2022). Questions have also been asked about the donations that a number of wealthy Russians have made to the Conservative Party (Walker, 2022).
- 16.
In the US, many of the misinformation problems stem from the elimination of the Fairness Doctrine by the Federal Communications Commission in 1987. The Doctrine required broadcast licence holders to present controversial issues of public importance and to do so in a way that was honest, equitable and balanced. All four Commissioners at the time had been appointed by Republican Presidents and subsequent Congressional efforts to reinstate the policy were thwarted by Presidents Reagan and George H.W. Bush. The ending of the policy—on the grounds that since the Doctrine was first promulgated there had been such an explosion in the media that there was little danger of any opinion being neglected—has enabled the mostly conservative media to lie and mislead with almost total impunity (Professor Vaneeta D’Andrea, personal communication). In Britain, there can be little doubt that much of the conservatives’ hostility to the BBC noted in Chap. 6 stems from the Corporation’s attempts to preserve a balance in line with its charter, not to mention the enhanced commercial opportunities for the conservatives’ allies and supporters if the BBC is cut down to size. Simon Kuper argued in the Financial Times in January 2022 that one of the things holding European societies together was the fact that most people still get their news from state broadcasters.
- 17.
If it was serious about ‘levelling up’, the Government could bring into force the socioeconomic duty in Sect. 7.1 of the Equality Act 2010:
When making decisions of a strategic nature about how to exercise [their] functions, [public authorities must] have due regard to the desirability of exercising them in a way that is designed to reduce the inequalities of outcome which result from socioeconomic disadvantage.
It could also reinstate the Cabinet Office Equalities Unit (abolished by the Coalition Government in 2010) to monitor and report on the implementation and effectiveness of the legislation and to propose any necessary changes.
- 18.
A recently published book Butler to the World: How Britain Became the Servant of Tycoons, Tax Dodgers, Kleptocrats and Criminals by Oliver Bullough (Profile Books) shows how ‘the unmatched financial and legal infrastructure that had allowed the UK to conquer a quarter of the world was quietly repurposed to do the bidding of individuals from dubious regimes that it had sometimes fostered, and others who had seized control of their nation’s resources and needed a place to hide what they had creamed off’, to quote the Observer review (Adams, T. 2022).
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Brown, R. (2022). The Conservative Counter-revolution. In: The Conservative Counter-Revolution in Britain and America 1980-2020. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09142-1_7
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