Abstract
There has been a rise in authoritarian populism (AP)—authoritarian values cloaked in populist rhetoric—in many advanced Western countries including not only the UK and the US. However, there is no consensus about the causes. A survey of recent writings suggests that the phenomenon has both cultural and economic drivers, but that an important contributory factor has been the inability of the democratic party system to cope with the demands made on it since the late-1970s. This chapter is in two parts. The first part introduces recent theories about the meaning of populism. The second discusses some recent explanations for the rise of AP with particular reference to the Brexit vote and the election of President Trump (both 2016).
The policy reversals that began in the 1970s and intensified in the 1980s restored classical economic liberalism via globalization, at great cost to political liberalism (Kuttner, 2018: 266, original author’s emphases).
Populism is an illiberal democratic response to undemocratic liberalism (Mudde, 2015).
The basic idea behind populism … is that democracy has been stolen from the people by the elites (Runciman, 2019: 65).
Trump … has tapped into America’s deep historical mistrust of unchecked markets, and poisoned it with racial and sexist appeals, to create the mirage of a better future—for some. The concrete results are tax cuts for the rich, increased precarity for workers, and aggressive policing for the rest (Konczal, 2021: 186).
The United States remains threatened by plutocratic populism, a toxic combination of culture war on the ground and the ultrawealthy trying to capture the political system at the top (Mueller, 2021b).
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Notes
- 1.
The term ‘fictional’ refers to Benedict Anderson’s classic (2006) argument that ‘nations’ are essentially cultural constructs.
- 2.
- 3.
However, we shall note in Chap. 7 evidence that the Covid crisis may be leading to some cooling of support for populist parties and leaders.
- 4.
Bill Bishop (2009) argues that increased physical mobility since the 1960s is enabling more of us to live in like-minded clusters, and that this in turn is contributing to increased polarisation simply because we have little regular contact with those who may disagree with us.
- 5.
For a similar view, see Economist (2016). Reporting on a survey of Leavers’ and Remainers’ attitudes conducted by UK in a Changing Europe and the independent social research agency NatCen, Simon Kuper (2020b) found that Leavers’ chief bogey wasn’t the EU or Remainers but benefits scroungers, not only immigrants but home-grown ones as well.
- 6.
However, an unpublished 2020 paper by Adam Wheeler and the author analysing current ONS data on multiple deprivation cautions against simply equating deprivation with any one part of the country. Contrary to what is often supposed, deprivation can be found across all regions, and it is just more visible in the North. So ‘levelling-up’ shouldn’t be confined to the Red Wall areas, but requires a well thought through, targeted approach to deprivation across the whole country. A 2020 analysis by Calvert Jump and Mitchell also cautions against a simple equation of deprivation with Leave.
- 7.
It is incidentally hard to see how Covid will help here, let alone Brexit. Virtually every independent study has found that in view of the likely effect on public revenues and welfare spending, middle- and low-income households are likely to bear a disproportionate share of the costs of Brexit (e.g., Hantzsche and Young 2019; McGrade, 2020). Similarly, poorer areas have been more heavily hit by Covid than wealthier ones: Barr and Halliday (2020), Boseley (2020), Covid Recovery Commission (2020), Blundell et al. (2022), Gregory (2022). In many cases this is because they have a long history of poor housing and health conditions. They also have low rates of vaccination (as in the US, where there is a strong correlation between counties that voted for Trump and those with the highest levels of infection: Charter 2021).
- 8.
Bernard Abramson (personal communication) comments that in their resentment, desperation and anger, such groups will vote for anyone who promises—possibly in code, and even quite unbelievably—to return matters to the earlier state. The promisers are usually conservative, right-wing parties. What happens when the return to the status quo ante inevitably fails to be realised? Trump’s policies have not reversed the economic decline of the Rust Belt, Johnson’s policies will almost certainly fail to ‘level up’ the ‘left behind’ areas. If anything, the AP’s supporters then become even more fervent (underlining the value of loyalty). They can’t admit that they were wrong and are in part the authors of their own misery. But by this time many of the democratic norms and institutions that might have enabled a more balanced solution to their problems may have been destroyed.
- 9.
Studying the evolution of American regional cultures, David Hallett Fischer (1989) argued that the origins of slavery in the US were as much cultural and social as economic:
In an effort to preserve a cultural hegemony … the gentry of Virginia would develop a novel type of race slavery on a large scale – a radical innovation with profound consequences for the future … these new forms of slavery did not create the culture of the tidewater Virginia; that culture created slavery. (Fischer, 1989: 255–6)
Fischer showed how many of the early Virginian families came from parts of England (broadly, Wessex) that had had serfs in earlier times. Moreover, the social composition of Virginia was unusual because a high proportion of settlers came as indentured servants and wanted/needed someone to look down on. In a December 2021 review of Edward Ball’s Life of a Klansman: A Personal History of White Supremacy (Farrar et al., 2021), Colin Grant quotes (a typically cynical) Lyndon Johnson as saying in the late-1960s, ‘If you can convince the lowest white man he’s better than the best colored man, he won’t notice you’re picking his pocket. Hell, give him somebody to look down on, and he’ll empty his pockets for you’.
- 10.
The present Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities, Michael Gove became famous for his comment, during a Sky News interview at the height of the Brexit campaign in which he declined to name any Brexit-backing economists, that ‘people in this country have had enough of experts’ (Mance, 2016). In Tim Shipman’s (jaw-drop**) account of the Brexit campaigns, the author quotes Ryan Coetzee, Stronger Leave’s Head of Strategy, as to what lay behind this comment:
More than any specific ideological vision he has, Gove is an ideologue. You do get the whiff of burning witches. The thing about ideologues … none of them need experts because they’re the expert; because the ideology has the answer. Ideologues force the world to conform to their theory instead of having their theory conform to the world. That, to my mind, explains Michael Gove. (Shipman, 2016: 326, original author’s emphases)
- 11.
It is therefore interesting that even the wealthy Donald Trump felt the need for Republican nomination for his election bids.
- 12.
- 13.
Clearly, the main means is through money, not only in financing election campaigns but also between them. The elite have been helped by court judgements that have progressively narrowed the definition of corruption and stripped away the limits on private funding. The money power also explains why, whatever their own views, so many candidates have to toe the party line. The bulk of political representatives and officials are also drawn from the ranks of the wealthy (according to Open Secrets, a majority of members of the current Congress are millionaires—Evers-Hillstrom, 2020). At the same time, the very wealthy are reticent about making their views public. This is why accounts of their behind-the-scenes funding and lobbying activities, such as Mayer, J. (2016) and MacLean (2017), are so valuable. The ‘radical rich’ (Frum, 2014) have also been helped by the parallel decline of many mass membership organisations, notably the trade unions, in part because of Neoliberal policies. We shall look at conservative efforts to take control of the courts in Chap. 7.
- 14.
- 15.
For instance, Thomas Piketty (2018) has suggested a new cleavage between a ‘Brahmin left’ (high-education, high-income) and a ‘Merchant right’ (low-education, low-income).
- 16.
Recent research under the aegis of the Institute of Labour Economics (Bertheau et al., 2022) shows how effective Active Labour Management Programmes can be in moderating earnings losses after job displacement. (I owe this reference to Nye Cominetti at the Resolution Foundation.)
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Brown, R. (2022). Authoritarian Populism and its Sources. In: The Conservative Counter-Revolution in Britain and America 1980-2020. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09142-1_6
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