Abstract
This chapter describes how the theory of markets has been applied to the provision of British (and particularly English) higher education since 1980. It concludes with an outline of Neoliberal beliefs as further background for the rest of the book.
Where effective competition can be created, it is a better means of guiding individual efforts than any other (Hayek, 1944: 27, quoted in Marginson, 2004: 207).
Unleashing the forces of consumerism is the best single way we’ve got of restoring high academic standards (David Willetts, Minister for Higher Education, quoted in Morgan, 2012).
More than mere economic policy, neoliberalism is a governing social and political rationality that submits all human activities, values, institutions, and practices to market principles. It formulates everything in terms of capital investment and appreciation (including and especially humans themselves), whether a teenager building a resume for college, a twenty-something seeking a mate, a working mother returning to school, or a corporation buying carbon offsets. As a governing rationality, neoliberalism extends from the management of the state itself to the soul of the subject; it renders health, education, transportation, nature, and art into individual consumer goods, and converts patients, students, drivers, athletes, and museum-goers alike into entrepreneurs of their own needs and desires who consume or invest in those goods (Brown, W. 2011a: 118).
The central defining characteristic of all neoliberal technique is its hostility to the ambiguity of political discourse, and a commitment to the explicitness and transparency of quantitative, economic indicators, of which the market price system is the model. Neoliberalism is the pursuit of the disenchantment of politics by economics (Davies, 2014: 4, original author’s emphasis).
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Notes
- 1.
In a recent (2021) paper, Nancy MacLean shows how Friedman’s efforts to privatise education (to which state-funded vouchers were an end) buttressed efforts in the South to resist the desegregation of schools that followed the Supreme Court’s judgement in Brown v. Board of Education (1954).
- 2.
It should be noted that 6–9 have not been applied, or have been only partially applied, in Scotland (Bruce, 2016).
- 3.
The Government has recently announced plans to change the loan terms to reduce the shortfall (Department for Education, 2022). The changes will take the loans system closer to a ‘graduate tax’ (Barr, 2009). In spite of the Government’s professed belief in expanding access from low-income households, the new arrangements are seriously regressive. Low- to middle-income graduates could be made about £20,000 worse off over their lifetime whilst the highest earners could be £25,000 better off (Johnson, P. 2022).
- 4.
Retrieved 2 January 2022 from https://www.gov.uk/check-university-award-degree-recognised-bodies.
- 5.
There has over time been a shift in the balance of regulation in higher education away from self-regulation to regulation by the state and the market (Brown, R. 2004, 2018). This has culminated for the moment in proposals by the Office for Students (January 2022) for all institutions to be judged by ‘minimum acceptable outcomes’. As we shall see later (Chap. 7), this inconsistency between Neoliberal theory about the role of the state and Neoliberal governing practice is by no means confined to higher education.
- 6.
As described in Brown with Carasso (2013: 41–70), since 1987 direct government funding of university research has reflected periodic quality assessments: initially the Research Assessment Exercise, now the Research Excellence Framework. Over time this funding has become increasingly concentrated so that a small handful of (generally, long-established) institutions (mostly in London and the South East) receives a high proportion of the total.
- 7.
Although successive governments have directed their fire at the leading universities’ admissions procedures, the fundamental cause is socioeconomic inequality and its reflection in school and college provision: the opportunities and support for students and their families. This goes far wider than the fact that the private schools continue to send disproportionate numbers of students to Oxford and Cambridge and other ‘top’ universities. Brian Barry’s summary remains as accurate now as when it was first published:
Whereas a socially just education system would minimise the effects on children’s opportunities of their parents’ social and economic position, the current set-up in Britain operates at every point to expand the advantages of parents with education, money and high aspirations. “School choice” is just the final straw, in which the effects of parental advantages and disadvantages are multiplied by placing an enormous premium on know-how and resources (Barry, 2005: 66; see also, Dorling, 2018).
- 8.
Institutions also put enormous effort into manipulating and massaging the statistics that underlie the various performance ‘league tables’. As Davies (2020: 18) says: ‘Under neoliberal conditions, all action becomes dictated by a single question … what will this mean for my ratings?’ For the enhanced pursuit of status under Neoliberalism, see Storr (2021).
- 9.
For the ‘economic ideology of higher education’, see Salter and Tapper (1994).
- 10.
In his account of the historical origins of Neoliberalism, Slobodian (2018: 102) quotes Robbins as saying ‘shared precarity should be the foundation of world unity’. Precarity is a continuing Neoliberal trope. George Monbiot (2020) quotes Peter Hargreaves, a billionaire who donated £3.2 m to the Brexit Leave campaign, as explaining that, after Brexit, ‘We will get out there and we will become incredibly successful because we will be insecure again. And insecurity is fantastic’. Recent research at the Nuffield Political Centre (Green and de Geus, 2022) suggests that economic insecurity is as much of a dividing line between voters as age and level of education.
- 11.
Retrieved 2 January 2022 from https://explore-education-statistics.service.gov.uk/find-statistics/graduate-outcomes-leo-provider-level-data.
- 12.
- 13.
The Laffer Curve is a theory devised by the US economist Arthur Laffer that purports to demonstrate that, counter-intuitively, tax revenues increase as tax rates reduce. However, there is plenty of evidence that it is flawed (e.g., Piketty et al., 2011).
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Brown, R. (2022). Markets in Higher Education. In: The Conservative Counter-Revolution in Britain and America 1980-2020. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09142-1_2
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