Cancel Culture and Digital Nationalism in Mainland China

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Abstract

This chapter examines recent cases of individuals, brands, and media texts being cancelled in the People’s Republic of China after being deemed to denigrate the Chinese people or the authority of the PRC government. These events are situated against a longer history of nationalism shaped by China’s “Century of Humiliation” and the government’s propagation of nationalist education after the 1989 student-led protests. Major cancel events may involve not just grassroots mobilizations, but also state commentary, some in support of cancel actions and other instances seeking to tamp down nationalist outrage. In the case of the Italian company Dolce & Gabbana after it posted racially offensive content, PRC authorities initially supported social media backlash, and then sought to downplay the incident. In 2021, multiple Western apparel brands were cancelled for statements against forced labor in the production of **njiang cotton, provoking nationalistic social media and PRC government responses. Controversies over the status of Hong Kong and Taiwan have also led to cancellations. One recent case involving the Thai television series 2gether illustrated the phenomenon of “fandom nationalism,” which the government has praised on various occasions when it aligns with official positions, such as the “One China Principle.”

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Sandvoss (2019), 125.

  2. 2.

    Wang (2006).

  3. 3.

    Liu (2019).

  4. 4.

    e.g. see Yang (2009), (2015).

  5. 5.

    Li (2019), 16. See also Wang (2012).

  6. 6.

    Callahan (2010), 15.

  7. 7.

    Wright (2018), [160].

  8. 8.

    Weiss (2014), 9.

  9. 9.

    e.g. Hobsbawm (1992, 2nd ed.).

  10. 10.

    Wright (2018), [167].

  11. 11.

    The National Radio and Television Administration is the main national government agency that oversees media content. In terms of regulating online media, the agency’s broad mandate includes “reviewing the content and quality of radio, television, and online programs”; see Explanation of the State Council’s Institutional Reform Program [关于国务院机构改革方案的说明]. Gov.cn, March 14, 2018. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2018-03/14/content_5273856.htm, para. 36.

  12. 12.

    Decision of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on Preserving Computer Network Security. Gov.cn, December 28, 2000. http://english1.english.gov.cn/laws/2005-09/22/content_68771.htm

  13. 13.

    See King, Pan, and Roberts (2017).

  14. 14.

    Schneider (2018), 183.

  15. 15.

    Hong Kong was one of the territories that imperial China had been forced to cede to Britain after it was defeated in the First Opium War, and although the UK government formally transferred sovereignty back to the PRC in 1997, Hong Kong’s status as a Special Administrative Region of the PRC has allowed it to maintain a separate government. However, the PRC government has been working to increase its political influence. Taiwan, an island east of mainland China, has functioned as its own nation-state since the Kuomintang Party retreated there in 1949 when it was clear that the CCP would assume control over the mainland. A faultline in Taiwan politics lies between pro-independence and pro-unification positions.

  16. 16.

    Liu (2004).

  17. 17.

    SCMP Reporter (2001).

  18. 18.

    Rosen (2003).

  19. 19.

    The mainland Chinese government began actions against idol fandoms and celebrity culture in mid-2021, and has since banned this kind of fan practice on the grounds that it is part of “unhealthy” culture; see Bai (2021), Koetse (2021).

  20. 20.

    See Little Chrysanthemum Gosling Garden (2016).

  21. 21.

    e.g. see Yang (2019) for an overview.

  22. 22.

    ‘ba’ (吧 bā) refers to one of the subforums of the Baidu forums, while ‘Di’ (帝 dì) “emperor” originated as a nickname given to a Chinese soccer player. The Diba forum was thus originally focused on sports, but developed into “China’s biggest online club (27 m+ users and 960 m+ posts) with a unique, satirical subculture” (Liu 2019, 125).

  23. 23.

    See sunnyy. “Copy of 쯔위 사과 설명 (영어) TWICE Tzuyu apology explained (ENG).” YouTube, July 7, 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KqsJ2Xrv-IQ

  24. 24.

    See Li (2019), 14.

  25. 25.

    For example, see Wu, Li, and Wang (2019).

  26. 26.

    “China” in Mandarin, 中國 Zhōngguó, is literally “Zhong-nation”; zhōng also means ‘center; middle.’ The ‘A’ portion of ‘A-Zhong’ is commonly added before someone’s name to create an affectionate form of address.

  27. 27.

    Du (2021), 4.

  28. 28.

    China Youth League (@共青团**). “Diba and the fangirls go on expedition again! Those trying to ruin Hong Kong, sorry, you’ll be disappointed [帝吧、饭圈女孩再出征 ! 妄图毁掉香港的人, 对不起, 让你们失望了].” Weibo, September 1, 2019. https://card.weibo.com/article/m/show/id/2309404411734793257132?_wb_client_=1

  29. 29.

    See Du (2021), 11.

  30. 30.

    Liu (2020); Feng (2020).

  31. 84.

    See Global Times (2020).

  32. 85.

    This was the first comment by the National Tourism Administration of Thailand (Chinese: 个别艺人言论不能代表国家立场, 请网友们保持理智。) under their Weibo post: National Tourism Administration of Thailand (@泰国国家旅游局). “[# Magical Thailand# 8 K blockbuster] The epidemic situation in China is getting brighter and brighter. We also feel that everyone misses Thailand more and more, and released this video especially to help you alleviate your greed [【#神奇泰国#8K大片】**疫情日趋光明, 咱也感受到了大家对泰国的想念与日俱增, 特把这个视频翻出来先给大家解解馋].” Weibo, April 12, 2020. https://weibo.com/5297476385/ICW3FoJqL

  33. 86.

    Chinese Embassy in Thailand. Statement by the spokesperson of the Chinese Embassy in Thailand concerning recent online statements related to China. Facebook, April 14, 2020. https://www.facebook.com/ChineseEmbassyinBangkok/posts/2942654555781330

  34. 87.

    Schaffar and Wongratanawin (2021), 7. Also, for accounts of transnational boys love fandom, see Lavin, Yang, and Zhao (2017).

  35. 88.

    Schaffar and Wongratanawin (2021) identify a Hong Kong Twitter user, ShawTim, as being the first to use the #MilkTeaAlliance hashtag to refer to Thailand, Hong Kong and Taiwan.

  36. 89.

    Castronuovo (2021).

  37. 90.

    The Chinese version of the hashtag, 奶茶聯盟, seems to be censored on Weibo, and does not show up in searches of either the China Daily or People’s Daily websites, but the English-language Global Times has published several articles criticizing the alliance, accusing “separatist authority” agents in Hong Kong and Taiwan for fomenting “anti-mainland” sentiment; e.g. see Guan, Zhang, and Bai (2021).

  38. 91.

    More specifically, the reference was to “fangirls,” and there has been discussion about the gendered dimensions of the phenomenon, including around the moniker of “Little Pink” (小粉红 xiǎo fěnhóng) given to nationalist fangirls; see Fang and Repnikova (2017).

  39. 92.

    Hinck (2012).

  40. 93.

    e.g. Guan, Zhang, and Bai (2021).

  41. 94.

    See Feng (2021).

  42. 95.

    See Feng (2021).

  43. 96.

    See Davis (2021).

  44. 97.

    e.g. see Wang (2021).

  45. 98.

    Hu, **** (@胡锡进). “Zhao Ting and her film ‘Nomadland’ have been controversial over the past few days [赵婷和她执导的电影《无依之地》连日来受到争议].” Weibo, March 8, 2021. https://weibo.com/1989660417/K5d17aYoA

  46. 99.

    e.g. see Huang and **e (2021).

  47. 100.

    Lu (2021a, b).

  48. 101.

    In Chinese, 爱国营销号 àiguó yíngxiāo hào, literally ‘patriotism promotion account’.

  49. 102.

    e.g. see Cassell (2021).

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Correspondence to Eve Ng .

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Ng, E. (2022). Cancel Culture and Digital Nationalism in Mainland China. In: Cancel Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97374-2_5

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