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Seeing the Substance: Rhetorical Muslims and Christian Holy Objects in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries

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Interfaith Relationships and Perceptions of the Other in the Medieval Mediterranean

Part of the book series: Mediterranean Perspectives ((MEPERS))

Abstract

Accusations of Host Desecration against Jews began to appear in the late thirteenth century (Paris, 1290) and became increasingly common in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The appearance of this phenomenon, which coincided with a more general rise in anti-Jewish polemical rhetoric, is generally understood as being part of a new debate about the meaning of Transubstantiation in the wake of the declaration of the Corpus Christi feast in the thirteenth century. Concern over the Host, however, was rarely associated with anti-Muslim rhetoric of the same period. This paper explores a few narrative sources about Muslims and Jews approximately contemporary with the institution of the Corpus Christi feast, paying particular attention to contrasting Muslim and Jewish responses to the Eucharist and other holy Christian objects. Special attention is given to references to Muslim destruction of Christian objects in the Cantigas de Santa María of King Alfonso X, a scene of Muslim witnessing of the Transubstantiation in the Capella del Corporale in the Cathedral of Orvieto, and a unique story of Muslim host desecration found in the fourteenth-century narrative collection of El conde Lucanor (ca. 1330–1335) of Castilian nobleman don Juan Manuel (d. 1348). I argue that the examples of Saracen “witnessing” of Eucharistic and related Marian miracles such as those in fourteenth-century Iberia and Italy pertain to a more general trend in Christian anti-Jewish writing of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in which Muslims are presented as positive counterexamples to Jewish infidelity.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I am grateful to Yonatan Glazer-Eytan and Robin Vose for their helpful suggestions during the drafting of this essay; to David M. Freidenreich for bringing the Beam of the Passion to my attention; to Catherine Harding aand Lucio Riccetti for hel** me obtain the image from the Capella del Corporale; and to the Opera del Duomo di Orvieto for permission to reproduce the image.

    The relevant passage in the Spill is found in Jaume Roig, Espill, o Llibre de les dones, ed. Marina Gustà (Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1978), 72–75. On the comparison with the Sigena altarpiece, see Paulino Rodríguez Barral, La imagen del judío en la España medieval: el conflicto entre cristianismo y judaísmo en las artes visuales góticas (Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2008), 200–01. The connection is also discussed in more detail in Yonatan Glazer-Eytan, “Moriscos as Enemies of the Eucharist: Some Reflections on Jewish Exceptionalism,” Jewish History (forthcoming in 2021), which analyzes the altarpiece in detail. I am grateful to Dr. Glazer-Eytan for sharing a copy of his study with me before publication. My remarks on the Sigena altarpiece rely directly on his work. See also his “Jews Imagined and Real: Representing and Prosecuting Host Profanation in Late Medieval Aragon,” in Jews and Muslims Made Visible in Christian Iberia and Beyond, ed. Borja Franco Llopis and Antonio Urquíazar Herrera (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 40–69, at 50–51; and Francesca Español Bertrán, “Ecos del sentimento antimusulmán en el Spill de Jaume Roig,” Sharq al-Andalus 10–11 (1993–1994): 325–45.

  2. 2.

    For an exhaustive study of the miracle and frescos in Orvieto, see Dominique Nicole Surh, “Corpus Christi and the Capella del Corporale at Orvieto” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Virginia, 2000); and Eraldo Rosatelli, The Cathedral of Orvieto: Faith, Art, Literature (Perugia: Quattroemme, 2000), 75–92.

  3. 3.

    Surh, “Corpus Christi,” 7, 19–20. The oldest source, the so-called sacra rappresentazione, probably composed sometime between 1294 and 1317, does not mention Urban IV. See Surh, “Corpus Christi,” 16, 20; and Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 176.

  4. 4.

    Dana A. Katz, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 31.

  5. 5.

    For the inscriptions, see Surh, “Corpus Christi,” 136–37. The term “Saracen” is used in this essay as a reflection of the primary source material and is not offered as a neutral alternative to “Muslim.”

  6. 6.

    Kristen Van Ausdall, “Art and Eucharist in the Late Middle Ages,” in A Companion to the Eucharist in the Middle Ages, ed. Ian Christopher Levy, Gary Macy, and Kristen Van Ausdall (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 541–618 at 591. Peter Browe gives voice to the standardly accepted view that eucharistic miracles served to address doubts that arose around the doctrine of Transubstantiation. See Peter Browe, Die eucharistischen Wunder des Mittelalters (Breslau: Müller and Seiffert, 1938), 177–84. More recently, scholars have proposed that miracle stories serve to encourage contemplation and “explain rather than resist” the difficulties of understanding that give rise to doubt. See Steven Justice, “Eucharistic Miracle and Eucharistic Doubt,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 42 (2012): 308–32 at 316.

  7. 7.

    Van Ausdall, “Art and Eucharist,” 591.

  8. 8.

    Rubin, Corpus Christi, 178–85.

  9. 9.

    Glazer-Eytan, “Moriscos as Enemies.”

  10. 10.

    Glazer-Eytan, “Moriscos as Enemies.”

  11. 11.

    Raymond d’Aguilers, Le “Liber” de Raymond d’Aguilers, ed. John H. Hill and Laurita L. Hill (Paris: Librarie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1969), 145. Cited in John Tolan, Saracens. Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 117. On the text, see Barbara Packard, “Raymond of Aguilers,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 4, 1050–1200, ed. David Thomas and Alex Mallett et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 297–300.

  12. 12.

    See Penny J. Cole, “‘O God, the Heathen Have Come into Your Inheritance’ (ps. 78.1): The Theme of Religious Pollution in Crusade Documents, 1095–1188,” in Crusades and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. Maya Shatzmiller (Leiden: Brill, 1993), 84–111 at 95. Cited in Tolan, Saracens, 120.

  13. 13.

    Tolan, Saracens, 117.

  14. 14.

    A few bell-lamps, taken from Iberian churches, still hang in at least two North African mosques. See Ali Asgar Alibhai, “The Reverberations of Santiago’s Bells in Reconquista Spain,” La Corónica 36.2 (2008): 145–64, at 158; Jerrilynn D. Dodds, ed., Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 18, 272–73; Olivia Remie Constable “Regulating Religious Noise: The Council of Vienne, the Mosque Call, and Muslim Pilgrimage in the Late Medieval Mediterranean World,” Medieval Encounters 16 (2010): 64–95 at 94.

  15. 15.

    For example, the twelfth-century Historia Turpini, book four of the Codex Calixtinus, as well as Al-Bayan al-Mughrib by early fourteenth-century Maghribi historian Ibn Idhārī. See Alibhai, “The Reverberations of Santiago’s Bells,” 146–47.

  16. 16.

    Primera Crónica General. Estoria de España que mandó componer Alfonso el Sabio y que se continuaba bajo Sancho IV en 1289, ed. Ramón Menéndez Pidal. 2 vols. (Madrid: Bailly-Bailliere e hijos, 1906), 1:734. This section of the text pertains to the so-called amplified version of 1289 prepared by Sancho IV after Alfonso’s death.

  17. 17.

    Alfonso X, Primera crónica general, p. 313. Translation partly in Tolan, Saracens, 188, with my changes.

  18. 18.

    The editor of the text, Walter Mettmann, has proposed that the first 100 cantigas were completed between 1270 and 1274, the next 100 cantigas by 1277, and the remaining 227 by 1282. See Cantigas de Santa María, ed. Walter Mettmann, 3 vols. (Madrid: Castalia, 1986–1989), 1:24. Jesús Montoya Martínez maintains that Alfonso probably decided to compile the first hundred cantigas after the year 1264, when he conquered Jerez (as recounted in cantiga 345), although he probably wrote Marian poetry even before this date. See Jesús Montoya Martínez, “Algunas precisiones acerca de las Cantigas de Santa María,” in Studies on the Cantigas de Santa María: Art, Music, Poetry. Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Cantigas de Santa María of Alfonso X, el Sabio (1221–1284) in Commemoration of Its 700th Anniversary Year—1981 (New York, November 19–21), ed. Israel J. Katz and John E. Keller (Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1987), 367–86 at 377. O’Callaghan, Alfonso X and the Cantigas de Santa María, 9, concurs with this date.

  19. 19.

    Cantigas that mention the Eucharist include 4, 66, 69, 75, 104, 128, 149, 208, 222, 225, 234, 237, 238, 251, and 263 (and see note 36 below).

  20. 20.

    Alfonso X, Cantigas, 2:174; an English translation of all of the songs is provided in Songs of Holy Mary: A Translation of the Cantigas de Santa María, trans. Kathleen Kulp-Hill (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2000), here at 204.

  21. 21.

    Alfonso X, Cantigas, 2:301–02; Songs of Holy Mary, 275.

  22. 22.

    Alfonso X, Cantigas, 1:302–03; Songs of Holy Mary, 125.

  23. 23.

    On these and related anecdotes, see Mercedes García-Arenal, “Los moros en las Cantigas de Alfonso X el Sabio,” Al-Qantara: Revista de estudios árabes 6 (1985): 133–52; Albert Bagby, “The Moslem in the Cantigas of Alfonso X, El Sabio,” Kentucky Romance Quarterly 20 (1973): 173–204; P. K. Klein, “Moros y judíos en las ‘Cantigas’ de Alfonso el Sabio: imágenes de conflictos distintos,” in Simposio internacional ‘El Legado de al-Andalus’”: el arte andalusí en los reinos de León y Castilla durante la edad media, ed. M. Valdés Fernández (Valladolid: Fundación del Patrimonio Histórico de Castilla y León, 2007), 341–64.

  24. 24.

    Partida 7, título 28, ley 5. See Las siete partidas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio, 3 vols. (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1807), 3:689.

  25. 25.

    Partida 7, título 28, ley 6. Las siete partidas, 3:690.

  26. 26.

    Cantigas, 1:143; Songs of Holy Mary, 45. On the subject of this cantiga in context, see Merrall Llewelyn Price, “Medieval Antisemitism and Excremental Libel,” in Jews in Medieval Christendom: Slay them Not, ed. K. T. Utterbach and M. L. Price (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 177–87; Albert I. Bagby, Jr., “The Jew in the Cántigas of Alfonso X, El Sabio,” Speculum 46 (1971): 670–88 at 676; and Vikki Hatton and Angus Mackay, “Anti-Semitism in the Cantigas de Santa Maria,” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 61 (1983): 187–99. The legend of the Jew and the latrine appears across Europe, such as in Geoffrey Chaucer’s “Prioress’ Tale” and the writing of Caesarius von Heisterbach (see note 35, below). See William Cecil McDonald, “The ‘Jew in the Latrine’: Exploring the Transmission of an Early German Anti-Jewish Narrative,” Medieval Encounters 27 (2021, forthcoming). On other stories about Jewish desecration that circulated in Europe, see Christoph Cluse, “Stories of Breaking and Taking the Cross: A Possible Context for the Oxford Incident of 1268,” Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique 90/3 (1995): 396–442. On a fictional tale of such desecration in Jewish literature, see Harvey Hames, “Urinating on the Cross: Christianity as Seen in the Sefer Yoseph ha-Mekaneh (ca. 1260) and in Light of Paris 1240,” in Ritus Infidelium: Miradas interconfesionales sobre las prácticas religiosas en la Edad Media, ed. José Martínez-Gásquez and John Victor Tolan (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2013): 209–20.  

  27. 27.

    Cantigas, 1:66; trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 7. See also Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 15–16.

  28. 28.

    “Dexades de comer las otras sangres et comedes las de uuestros fiios” [You gave up eating other bloods and eat that of your children], Américo Castro, “Disputa entre un cristiano y un judío,” Revista de filología española 1 (1914): 173–80, at 173 and 176.

  29. 29.

    Partida 7, título 24, ley 2. Alfonso X, Las siete partidas, 3:670. See also Dwayne Carpenter, Alfonso X and the Jews: An Edition of and Commentary on Siete Partidas 7.24 ‘De los judíos’ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 29 and 64–65. I partly disagree with the assessment of Katherine Aron-Beller that “Iberian tales did not articulate religious concerns about Jews as desecrators of Christian images or associate them with the pursuit of Eucharistic blood.” See Katherine Aron-Beller, “The Jewish Image Desecrator in the Cantigas de Santa María,” Ars Judaica: The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art 14 (2018): 27–45 at 45.

  30. 30.

    Antony Bale, The Jew in the Medieval Book: English Antisemitisms 1350–1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 67. Cf. Cantigas, 1:74; trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 11. On these images in the cantigas, see Hatton and Mackay, “Anti-Semitism in the Cantigas”; and Bagby, “The Jew.”

  31. 31.

    Cantigas, 1:89; trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 19. Gonzalo de Berceo, Milagros, 142–44, noted by Carpenter, Alfonso X, 65. In the reference on 114 n. 14, Carpenter confuses miracle 16 (which resembles Alfonso’s cantiga 4) with miracle 18.

  32. 32.

    Carlos Espí Forcén, “El corista de ‘Engraterra’: ¿San Guillermo de Norwich, San Hugo de Lincoln o Santo Dominguito de Val de Zaragoza?” Miscelánea Medieval Murciana 32 (2008): 51–64. On the wide dissemination of the story, see E. M. Rose, The Murder of William of Norwich: The Origins of the Blood Libel in Medieval Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015).

  33. 33.

    For a comprehensive overview of eucharistic theology in this period, see Gary Macy, “Theology of the Eucharist in the High Middle Ages,” in A Companion to the Eucharist in the Middle Ages, ed. Ian Christopher Levy, Gary Macy, and Kristen Van Ausdall (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 365–98.

  34. 34.

    One prominent example is the Dialogus miraculorum (1219–1223), a collection of miracles of all kinds (including sixty-seven eucharistic miracles) by German Cistersian Caesarius of Heisterbach (d. ca. 1240), but numerous other collections followed it. The most comprehensive study of eucharistic miracles is Browe, Die eucharistischen Wunder des Mittelalters; see also Rubin, Corpus Christi, 108–29; and Justice, “Eucharistic Miracle.”

  35. 35.

    Like the priest in the earliest account of the Bolsena miracle, the doubting priest in cantiga 149 is from Germany, and the miracle of presence occurs while the host is being consecrated. Other cantigas that recount eucharistic miracles include 69, 104, and 251. Also, cantigas 128 and 208 recount versions of the Miracle of the Bees, also represented on the Sigena altarpiece.

  36. 36.

    Rubin, Gentile Tales, 40–48 and 109–14.

  37. 37.

    Rubin, Gentile Tales, 28.

  38. 38.

    See, for example, Benjamin Z. Kedar, “De Iudeis et Sarracenis: on the Categorization of Muslims in Medieval Canon Law,” in Studia in honorem eminentissimi cardinalis Alphonsi M. Stickler, ed. R. I. Castillo Lara (Rome: Libreria Ateneo Salesiano, 1992), 207–13. Reprint in The Franks in the Levant, 11th to 14th Centuries (Aldershot, Hampshire: Variorum, 1993), XIII. For a comparison of Jews and Muslims in decrees of ecclesiastical councils, see Ryan Szpiech, “Saracens and Church Councils, from Nablus (1120) to Vienne (1313–1314),” in Jews and Muslims under the Fourth Lateran Council, ed. Marie-Thérèse Champagne and Irven M. Resnick (Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), 115–37.

  39. 39.

    Rubin, Corpus Christi, 128; but cf. Justice, “Eucharistic Miracle,” 311–12, who does not discuss the function of witnessing in distinguishing Jews from Muslims.

  40. 40.

    Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, “Some Neglected Aspects of Medieval Muslim Polemics against Christianity,” The Harvard Theological Review 89.1 (1996): 61–84 at 71–72 and 78–9, mentions the work of one al-Qurṭubī, who has since been identified as Cordoban jurist al-Imām al-Qurṭubī (d. 1258), on whom see Juan Pedro Monferrer Sala, “Al-Imām al-Qurṭubī,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 4, 1200–1350, ed. David Thomas et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 391–94. Early encyclopedist al-Ṭabarī (d. c. 860) wrote critically of the Eucharist, and Arab Christians found it necessary to defend the Eucharist against Muslim arguments, as did the ninth-century Nestorian apologist Ammār al-Baṣrī, on whom see Wageeh Y. F. Mikhail, “ʿAmmār al-Baṣrī’s Kitāb al-Burhān: A Topical and Theological Analysis of Arabic Christian Theology in the Ninth Century” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Birmingham, 2013), 291–300. Such criticism continued in later centuries: the Mallorcan friar Anselm Turmeda, who converted to Islam and wrote a polemic against Christianity, criticized the Eucharist at some length. See Míkel de Epalza, Fray Anselm Turmeda (ʿAbdallāh al-Tarȳumān) y su polémica islamo-cristiana. Edición, traducción y estudio de la Tuḥfa (Madrid: Hiperión, 1994), 348–59. See also Clint Hackenburg, “Voices of the Converted: Christian Apostate Literature in Medieval Islam” (Ph.D. Diss., The Ohio State University, 2015), 63, 94–96, 328–30.

  41. 41.

    Dekapolites’s sermon containing this anecdote is found in Patrologiae cursus completus series graeca, ed. J. P. Migne, 161 vols. (Paris: J. P. Migne, 1857–1866), 100:1201–12. See David Vila, “The Martyrdom of Anthony (Rawḥ al-Qurashī),” and Daniel J. Sahas, “Gregory Dekapolites,” both in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 1, 600–900, ed. David Thomas et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 498–501, and 615–17, respectively; and Tolan, Saracens, 56 and 299 note 76.

  42. 42.

    See History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, Known as the History of the Holy Church, by Sawīrus ibn al-Muḳaffaʿ, bishop of Ašmūnīn, ed. A. S. Atiya, Y. ʿAbd al-Masiḥ, and O. H. E. Khs.-Burmester (Cairo: Imprimerie de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1948), vol. 2, pt. ii, 110–11 (Arabic)/164–65 (trans.). On the author, see Mark N. Swanson, “Mawhūb ibn Manṣūr ibn Mufarrij al-Iskandarānī,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 3, 1050–1200, ed. David Thomas et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 217–22.

  43. 43.

    On the Muslim iconography on the Beam of the Passion, see David M. Freidenreich and Véronique Plesch, “‘What is That to Us?’: The Eucharistic Liturgy and the Enemies of Christ in the Beam of the Passion.” Studies in Iconography 41 (2020): 104–30. I am grateful to David Freidenreich for drawing my attention to this example and for sharing his essay with me.

  44. 44.

    For a thorough study of the miracle, see José Luis Corral Lafuente, “Una Jerusalén en el occidente medieval: la ciudad de Daroca y el milagro de los corporales,” Aragón en la edad media 12 (1995): 61–115; and Glazer-Eytan, “Jews Imagined and Real,” 45. I am grateful to Dr. Glazer-Eytan for drawing this story and reference to my attention.

  45. 45.

    This legend is studied by Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, “St. Clare Expelling the Saracens from Assisi: Religious Confrontation in Word and Image,” The Sixteenth-Century Journal 43 (2012): 643–65, especially 645.

  46. 46.

    Cantigas, 1:131; trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 40.

  47. 47.

    Cantigas, 2:169; my translation; cf. trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 202, which simply states that she “ventured to trust in the Virgin.”

  48. 48.

    Cantigas, 2:169; trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 202.

  49. 49.

    Cantigas, 2:251–53; trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 247.

  50. 50.

    Cantigas, ed. Mettmann, 2:288, translation mine. Strangely, lines 15–17 of this particular stanza are left out of the Kulp-Hill translation. For a discussion of this song, see Joseph F. O’Callaghan, Alfonso X and the Cantigas de Santa Maria: A Poetic Biography (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 153–54.

  51. 51.

    Cantigas, ed. Mettmann, 2:272–75, translation mine.

  52. 52.

    Cantigas, ed. Mettmann, 1:172–73; trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 62.

  53. 53.

    Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 271. See also Vibeke Olson, “Blood, Sweat, Tears, and Milk: ‘Fluid’ Veneration, Sensory Contact, and Corporeal Presence in Medieval Devotional Art,” in Binding the Absent Body in Medieval and Modern Art: Abject, Virtual, and Alternate Bodies, ed. Emily Kelly and Elizabeth Richards Rivenbark (New York: Routledge, 2017), 11–31 at 19, who notes, “Mary’s milk was the counterpart to Christ’s blood, and like Christ’s blood, Mary’s milk was the vehicle through which her presence was seen, heard, felt, and tasted … Mary’s milk could be understood in a Eucharistic sense, as a symbolic reference to Christ’s blood.”

  54. 54.

    Cantigas, ed. Mettmann, 3:206; trans. Songs of Holy Mary, 423–24.

  55. 55.

    Norman Zacour, Jews and Saracens in the Consilia of Oldradus de Ponte (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1990), 77; Alfonso de Valladolid, Mostrador de justicia, ed. Walter Mettmann, 2 vols. (Altenberge/Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994–1996), 2:427, my translation.

  56. 56.

    Ramon Martí, Capistrum Iudaeorum, ed. and trans. Adolfo Robles Sierra, 2 vols. (Würzburg: Echter; Altenberge: Telos, 1990–1993), 1:282 (1.7.12), my translation.

  57. 57.

    Pugio fidei, 2.8.11. Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, MS 1405, fol. 65v; and Ramon Martí, Pugio fidei adversus Mauros et Iudaeos (Leipzig and Frankfurt: Sumptibus Haeredum Friderici Lanckisi, Typis Viduae Johannis Wittigau, 1687), 365, my translation.

  58. 58.

    Jean-Marie Mérigoux, “L’ouvrage d’un frère prêcheur florentin: Le « Contra legem Sarracenorum » de Riccoldo da Monte di Croce,” Memorie Domenicane n.s. 17 (1986): 1–144 at 136, my translation.

  59. 59.

    Jeremy Cohen, Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 2–3, 39.

  60. 60.

    For a detailed discussion of the “rhetorical Muslim,” see Ryan Szpiech, “Rhetorical Muslims: Islam as Witness in Western Christian Anti-Jewish Polemic,” Al-Qanṭara 34 (2013): 153–85; and Ryan Szpiech, “Testes sunt ipsi, testis et erroris ipsius magister: el musulmán como testigo en la polémica cristiana medieval,” Medievalia 19 (2016): 135–56; and see also Jeremy Cohen, “The Muslim Connection, or On the Changing Role of the Jew in High Medieval Theology,” in From Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, ed. Jeremy Cohen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996), 141–62.

  61. 61.

    For a summary of the two exempla about Fernando III, see Carlos Heusch, “‘Yo te castigaré bien commo a loco’. Los reyes en El Conde Lucanor de Juan Manuel,” e-Spania 21 (2015): 1–15 at 5–6 (para. 11–12). Also relevant is David Wacks, Framing Iberia: Maqāmāt and Frametale Narratives in Medieval Spain (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 140. For a discussion of exemplo 28, see Olivier Biaggini, “Le miracle dans le Conde Lucanor de Don Juan Manuel,” in Miracle d’un autre genre, ed. Olivier Biaggini and Bénédicte Milland-Bove (Madrid: Casa de Velásquez, 2012), 257–80 at 274–76.

  62. 62.

    Juan Manuel, Obras completas, ed. José Manuel Blecua, 2 vols. (Madrid: Gredos, 1983), 2:124.

  63. 63.

    Juan Manuel, Obras completas, 2:125.

  64. 64.

    Primera Crónica General, 1:731. On Juan Manuel’s adaptation of Alfonso X’s text, see Diego Catalán, “Don Juan Manuel ante el modelo alfonsí: El testimonio de la Crónica abreviada,” in Juan Manuel Studies, ed. Ian MacPherson (London: Tamesis, 1977), 17–52.

  65. 65.

    Juan Manuel, Obras completas, 2:247; Juan Manuel, El Conde Lucanor. A Collection of Medieval Spanish Stories, ed. and trans. John England (Warminster: Aris and Phillips Ltd., 1987), 191.

  66. 66.

    María Rosa Lida de Malkiel, “Tres notas sobre Don Juan Manuel,” in Estudios de literatura española y comparada (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1969), 107, notes that Juan Manuel alters the circumstances of the knight to make his loyalty seem greater, and compares the miracle of the host to related Cistercian stories. See the comment by Colin Smith, Christians and Moors in Spain, Volume II, 1195–1614 (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1988), 45. Heusch, “Yo te castigaré,” 5 (para. 11) suggests that the story of the apostate priest in Granada abusing the host derives from oral tradition.

  67. 67.

    Juan Manuel, Obras completas, 2:247; Juan Manuel, El Conde Lucanor, trans. England, 191.

  68. 68.

    Juan Manuel, Obras completas, 2:247; Juan Manuel, El Conde Lucanor, trans. England, 191.

  69. 69.

    For a study of this and similar narratological devices, see Mariano Baquero Goyanes, “Perspectivismo en ‘El Conde Lucanor,’” in Don Juan Manuel. VII centenario (Murcia: Universidad de Murcia, 1982), 27–61, especially 40–41.

  70. 70.

    For example, Catherine of Siena’s communion. See Rubin, Corpus Christi, 120 note 232; and Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast, 48–72.

  71. 71.

    Augustine of Hippo is certainly the origin of the concept, but his use of the exact phrase is not known. Cf. Augustinus Hipponensis, Questionum in heptateuchum libri septem, ed. I. Fraipont, CCCM 33 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1958), 227–28 (III:84). The classic formulation, “a sacrament is the visible form of invisible grace” (invisibilis gratiae visibilis forma) is first articulated as such by Berengar of Tours (in answer to Lanfranc), who attributes it to Augustine in his defense of the concept of the divine substance of the Eucharist.

  72. 72.

    Juan Manuel, Obras completas, 2:247–48; Juan Manuel, El Conde Lucanor, trans. England, 191–93.

  73. 73.

    See Alexandre Haggerty Krappe, “Les sources du Libro de Exemplos,” Bulletin hispanique 39 (1937): 5–54 at 19, #53, and also Daniel Devoto, Introducción al estudio de Don Juan Manuel, y en particular de El Conde Lucanor (Madrid: Castalia, 1972), 414–15. Krappe lists Étienne de Bourbon, Jacques de Vitry, and Bernardino da Siena as possible sources. See Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues tirés du recueil inédit d’Étienne de Bourbon dominicain du XIIIe siècle, ed. A Lecoy de la Marche (Paris: H. Loones, 1877), 340 (#385). Jacques de Vitry tells a similar story. See Jacques de Vitry, The Exempla or Illustrative Stories from the Sermones vulgares of Jacques de Vitry, ed. Thomas Frederick Crane (London: David Nutt, 1890), 221–22 (#219).

  74. 74.

    The conundrum of Suárez Gallinato’s faith introduces a perplexing ambiguity of purpose. The pardon by the Muslim king depends on the comparison of Suárez Gallinato’s loyalty to the king’s body with his loyalty to defend Christ’s body. If Suárez betrayed a former ruler, Ibn Hūd, in order to win the pardon of Fernando III, the justification of his faithfulness to the Eucharist is implicitly undermined as well. From the reader’s perspective, it is impossible for Suárez to be pardoned by all his sovereigns (Muslim king, Christian king, God). In the end, he opts for the pardon of the Christian king—making the opening discussion in which the king doubts his future salvation all the more poignant.

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Szpiech, R. (2021). Seeing the Substance: Rhetorical Muslims and Christian Holy Objects in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries. In: Davis-Secord, S., Vicens, B., Vose, R. (eds) Interfaith Relationships and Perceptions of the Other in the Medieval Mediterranean. Mediterranean Perspectives. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83997-0_5

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