Abstract
The exchanges made between peasants in marketplaces are predominantly one-time, on-the-spot transactions. That is why, all across the world, a large quantity of currency whose value is divisible enough to accommodate such transactions, which are significantly seasonal, is necessary to meet demand. If money is not provided exogenously, locals create money themselves. Importantly, however, creating an endogenous currency does not exclude materials for that currency, such as cowries, being brought in from outside. Local transactions in Africa were open enough to attract a variety of items from outside to serve as a means of exchange. Increases in the prices of peasant products such as palm oil in Africa and seed oils in Asia under the international gold standard regime gave colonial authorities a good chance to introduce colonial currencies that were convertible with currencies in the home countries and, in the process, demonetize pre-existing currencies in Africa and Asia. The substantial fall in the price of peasant products during the Great Depression diverted peasants both in Africa and Asia from market transactions for export. It was difficult for existing colonial currencies in Africa to accommodate rural transactions in lower denominations, and this caused commodity currencies such as cowries to survive or partly revive at the ground level. Free from a state-oriented teleology justifying top-down reformation, the transformation of monetary usage in Africa and Asia reveals that endogenous means substantially determined how money was made for locals.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
- 1.
Conveniently some scholars interpreted inconvertible currencies in Africa as special-purpose money. For example, Bohannan and Dalton characterized the separation of the unit of account and the actual means of exchange as an example of special-purpose money which revealed the peripheral role of the market principle, in contrast with a single all-purpose money which is necessary for the market principle to fully function (Bohannan and Dalton 1962, p. 12). They located the disconnection outside market activities without considering the reason why a unit of account was detached from a means of exchange. Thus, unfortunately, they could not resist a teleological framework that did not reflect history.
- 2.
Karl Polanyi distinguished the “internal market” created by state intervention from both local and distant markets. By “state”, he actually meant European mercantile states. He thought that, unlike the combination of local market and long-distance trade, the internal market developed through competition. Not delving into the difference in exchanges between local markets and interregional markets, he assumed the existence of political or social factors permanently separating proximate and distant exchanges. Unfortunately, he did not try to find any coherent reason why local currencies independent of interregional currencies so commonly existed (Polanyi 1957, pp. 56–67).
- 3.
Citing that gold and cowries made a set of currency in most parts of West Africa, Hopkins was doubtful about applying the concept of special-purpose money to Africa. He could have made clearer his objection to the idea of a “market principle” that ignored the variety in exchanges if he found that complementarity among monies was universal beyond Africa (Hopkins 1973, pp. 69–70).
- 4.
Akinobu Kuroda, “Old Chinese Coins Standard in Medieval Japan: Demonetized and Imitation Coinages Mediating Exchanges beyond the Sea” (Unpublished).
- 5.
To take an example from outside Africa and Asia, in early twentieth-century Mexico, fractional currency was required so much that 1 copper centavo, the smallest coin, was cut in half and used as currency in marketplaces. Shortages of coin caused wood and salt to be used as currency in the highlands (Maliknowski and de la Fuente 1982, pp. 144–145, 200).
- 6.
The king of Buganda tried to fix the price of ten small fish at one cowrie in the late nineteenth century (Pallaver 2015, p. 478). Depending on the situation, even the value of a cowrie might not have been sufficiently fractional.
- 7.
Basden observed that prices had increased in the villages of the Igbos after 1900 (Basden 1921, p. 198).
- 8.
The introduction of new export crops, such as cotton in Uganda, also encouraged colonial coins to circulate (Pallaver 2015, p. 498).
References
Ames, David W. 1962. “The Rural Wolof of The Gambia.” In Markets in Africa, edited by Paul Bohannan and Georges Dalton, 29–60. Evanston, IL: North Western University Press.
Austin, Gareth. 2005. Labour, Land and Capital in Ghana: From Slavery to Free Labour in Asante, 1807–1956. Rochester: University of Rochester Press.
Basden, Georges T. 1921. Among the Ibos of Nigeria. London: Seeley
Bohannan, Paul, and Georges Dalton. 1962. “Introduction.” In Markets in Africa, edited by Paul Bohannan and Georges Dalton, 1–26. Evanston. IL: North Western University Press.
Burnett, John. 1969. A History of the Cost of Living. London: Pelican.
Gonjo, Yasuo. 1993. Banque coloniale ou banque d’affaires: la Banque de l’Indochine sous la III ͤ République. Paris: Imprimerie nationale.
Green, Toby. 2019. A Fistful of Shells: West Africa from the Rise of the Slave Trade to the Age of Revolution, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Guyer, Jane I. 1981. “The Depression and the Administration in South-Central Cameroun.” African Economic History 10: 67–79.
———. 2004. Marginal Gains: Monetary Transactions in Atlantic Africa, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Haour, Anne, and Annalisa Christie. 2019. “Cowries in the Archaeology of West Africa: The Present Picture.” Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 54 (3): 287–321.
Hawkins, Edward K. 1958. “The Growth of a Money Economy in Nigeria and Ghana.” Oxford Economic Papers. New Series 10 (3): 339–354.
Hill, Polly. 1966. “Notes on Traditional Market Authority and Market Periodicity in West Africa.” Journal of African History 7 (2): 295–311.
———. 1971. “Two Types of West African House Trade.” In The Developent of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa, edited by Claude Meillassoux and Daryll Forde, 303–318. London: International African Institute.
Hodder, Bramwell W., and Ukwu I. Ukwu. 1969. Markets in West Africa: Studies of Markets and Trade among the Yoruba and Ibo. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press.
Hogendorn, Jan, and Marion Johnson. 1986. The Shell Money of the Slave Trade. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hopkins, Antony G. 1970. “Creation of a Colonial Monetary System; The Origin of the West African Currency Board.” African Historical Studies 3 (1): 101–132.
———. 1973. An Economic History of West Africa. London: Longman.
Ingram, James C. 1955. Economic Change in Thailand since 1850. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Ishihara, Jun. 1987. Teikiichi no kenkyu. Nagoya: Nagoya daigaku shuppankai.
Kaminishi, Miriam. 2013. “The Seasonal Demand for Multiple Monies in Manchuria: Re-examining Zhang Zuolin's Government's Economic Policy during the 1920s,” Financial History Review 20 (3): 335–359.
Kindleberger, Charles P. 1989. Spenders and Hoarders: The World Distribution of Spanish American Silver, 1500–1750. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
Kuroda, Akinobu. 2005. “The Collapse of the Chinese Imperial Monetary System.” In. Japan, China and the Growth of the Asian International Economy, 1850–1949, edited by Kaoru Sugihara, 103–126. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
———. 2007. “The Maria Theresa Dollar in the Early Twentieth-Century Red Sea Region: A Complementary Interface between Multiple Markets.” Financial History Review 14 (1): 89–110.
———. 2018. “Strategic Peasant and Autonomous Local Market: Revisiting the Rural Economy in Modern China.” International Journal of Asian Studies 15 (2): 195–227.
———. 2020. A Global History of Money. London: Routledge.
Law, Robin. 1997. “‘Legitimate’ Trade and Gender Relations in Yorubaland and Dahomey.” In From Slave Trade to “Legitimate” Commerce: The Commercial Transition in Nineteenth-Century West Africa, edited by Robin Law, 195–214. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Maliknowski, Bronislaw, and Julio de la Fuente. 1982. Maliknowski in Mexico: The Economics of a Mexican Market System, edited by Susan Drucker-Brown. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Manning, Patrick. 1982. Slavery, Colonialism and Economic Growth in Dahomey, 1640–1960. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Martin, Susan M. 1988. Palm Oil and Protest: An Economic History of the Ngwa region, South-Eastern Nigeria, 1800–1980. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
McPhee, Allan. 1926. The Economic Revolution in British West Africa. London: Routledge.
Naanen, Ben. 1993. “Economy within an Economy: The Manilla Currency, Exchange Rate Instability and Social Conditions in South-Eastern Nigeria, 1900–48.” Journal of African History 34: 425–446.
Nakagawa, Sugane. 2003. Osaka ryogaesho no kin’yu to shakai. Osaka: Seibundo.
Nigeria. Chief Secretary's Office. 1936. Nigerian Handbook. Lagos: West Africa Publicity.
Ofonagoro, Walter I. 1979. “Traditional to British Currency in Southern Nigeria: Analysis of a Currency Revolution, 1880–1948.” Journal of Economic History 39 (3): 623–654.
Pallaver, Karin. 2009. “A Recognized Currency in Beads. Glass Beads as Money in 19th-Century East Africa: The Central Caravan Road.” In Money in Africa, edited by Catherine Eagleton, Harcourt Fuller and John Perkins, 20–29. London: The British Museum.
———. 2015. “‘The African Native Has No Pocket’. Monetary Practices and Currency Transitions in Early Colonial Uganda.” International Journal of African Historical Studies 48 (3): 471–499
———. 2018. “Paying in Cents, Paying in Rupees: Colonial Currencies, Labour Relations and the Payment of Wages in Kenya (1890–1920).” In Colonialism, Institutional Change and Shifts in Global Labour Relations, edited by Karin Hofmeester and Pim de Zwart, 295–325. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam Press.
———. 2019. “What East Africans Got for Their Ivory and Slaves: The Nature, Working and Circulation of Commodity Currencies in Nineteenth-Century East Africa.” In Currencies of the Indian Ocean World, edited by Steven Serels and Gwyn Campbell, 71–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Polany, Karl. 1957. The Great Transformation. Boston: Beacon Press.
Prestholdt, Jeremy. 2008. Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Robequain, Charles. 1939. L'évolution économique de l'Indochine française. Paris: Centre d'études de politique étrangère.
Skinner, G. William. 1964. “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China, Part I.” Journal of Asian Studies 24 (1): 3–43.
Smith, Arthur. 1899. Village Life in China: A Study in Sociology. New York: Fleming H.
Touzet, André. 1939. Le régime monétaire Indochinois. Paris: Recueil Sirey.
United Africa Company. 1949. “The Manilla Problem.” Statistical and Economic Review 3: 44–56.
Vice, David. 1983. The Coinage of British West Africa and St. Helena 1684–1958. Birmingham: Peter Ireland Format.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2022 The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Kuroda, A. (2022). Another History of Money Viewed from Africa and Asia. In: Pallaver, K. (eds) Monetary Transitions. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83461-6_11
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83461-6_11
Published:
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-83460-9
Online ISBN: 978-3-030-83461-6
eBook Packages: Economics and FinanceEconomics and Finance (R0)