Abstract
About the family farm, boarding school, and chapel, the young Richard Congreve encountered conflicting social outlooks. He faced the radical thinking of farmhands, the severe conservativism of his father, and a rigid evangelical pedagogy at uncle Walter Bury’s French boarding school. Then at Rugby and Oxford, the young, socially awkward poet-historian embraced the idealism of Percy Bysshe Shelley, accepted the manly Christian duties of S. T. Coleridge, reflected on Robert Owen’s socialist utopias, and absorbed Thomas Arnold’s Broad Church thinking. These contrasts that he encountered as a student, shaped and shook his adolescent persona: the unbending evangelical. This chapter argues that Congreve’s study of history, utopias, and Christian virtue spoke to him of how the past experiences of life could light the way to a new, brighter future.
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Notes
- 1.
The Congreves farmed around 40 acres; they used the remaining land as grazing pasture.
- 2.
John Bury married the daughter of a Shrewsbury banker, Maria Eaton (1799–1853).
- 3.
The Congreve children were: the Warwickshire farmer, Thomas (1816–76); the clergyman and schoolmaster, John (1817–1900); our protagonist, Richard (1818–99); one of Congreve’s first Positivist converts, Julia (1820–1912); the wife of the Gloucester physician John Alexander Cooksey, Caroline (1821–78); the infant of eleven months, Mary (1823–24); the Italian consul, Positivist scholar, and schoolmaster, Walter (1824–1913); the farmer of some 450 acres in Harborough Magna, Samuel Bury (1826–1905); and the three-year-old Mariann (1829–32).
- 4.
The Reverend Bury had matriculated at St. John’s College, Oxford at the age of sixteen. He took a BA in 1815, an MA in 1822, and a DD in 1824 (Bod.M. c 349, f.48; BL 45261, f.3; Foster 1888, 200).
- 5.
Thomas scolded his ‘manservant’ William Stait for not returning home while on errand during a ‘violent storm of thunder and lightning’. He did not press for punishment during a petty court session hearing (N.A. 1845a). Thomas took care of that back at the farm.
- 6.
- 7.
Shelley’s Prometheus Unbound offered Congreve a popular picture of Hellenism by way of mythologising Greek polities as spaces of creativity, genius, and freedom (Bell 2007, 214). Alongside the Greek War of Independence (1821–30), it likely helped Congreve to later imagine an Aristotle–Comte connection for devolving the British Empire. Similarly, in Comtean fashion Shelley’s writings ‘Queen Mab’ and ‘Speculations on Morals’ opposed political economy and legitimism while suggesting that ‘man in his wildest state is a social being’ with ‘benevolent propensities’ (Forman 1880b, 247; Thomas 1910, 16). Property was inherently social as such, and the virtuous would use it for the common good (Forman 1880c, vol. VI, 372). Shelley’s notion that ‘space’ was the medium of ‘universal sympathy’ and human improvement aligned with Comte’s ideas in Synthèse subjective (1856) (Pickering 2009a, 467; 2009b, 512; Hashemi 2017, 165). See also: Caird 1885, xviii; Bridges 1866, 60; Kaines 1880, 103.
- 8.
‘Laon and Cythna’ canto ii, stanza 48, relays subjective mortality. Prometheus act iv, lines 394–423, speak of the prophecy of humanity.
- 9.
Shelley and the Parisian poet Élisa Mercœur appeared in exchange for Byron on leap years.
- 10.
Similar to Arnold, such Positivist sociologists as Frederic Harrison, Patrick Geddes, and Victor Branford shared Coleridge’s view of the clerisy as ‘ministers of culture’ (Kent 1978, 4).
- 11.
- 12.
- 13.
The Whig government’s 1833 Church Temporalities Act suppressed ten out of twenty Church of England bishoprics in Ireland. It reduced the number of archbishops from four to two, and it established an ecclesiastical commission to oversee church revenue (Brown 1991, 433). The Act was a response to the 1830–6 Tithe War, during which time Daniel O’Connell held his first ‘monster meeting’. O’Connell anticipated Chartist tactics by presenting to the House of Commons a petition with a half million signatures pressing for the repeal of the 1800 Act of Union (Kinealy 2009, 25–7).
- 14.
Since the 1828 repeal of the 1660s Test and Corporation Acts, and with the 1829 Catholic Emancipation Act, it had become clear that a non-Anglican parliament would make decisions affecting the Church of England (Liddon 1893). Although seldom enforced, the 1661 Test Act required government officials to receive Holy Communion from the Church of England. The 1673 Test Act made it obligatory for civil and military servants to declare that they did not believe in transubstantiation. Such measures thus ensured officials were neither Catholic or nonconformist.
- 15.
- 16.
During this time, strikes, lockouts and vast turnouts of discontented workers took place in Yorkshire, Lancashire, Staffordshire, and other counties.
- 17.
Citing the 1797 Illegal Oaths Act, the government by August 1834 had suppressed the Union by arresting and sentencing its leading members.
- 18.
After Saint-Simon’s death in 1825, his followers Bazard and Enfantin (1958, 229–30) introduced themselves as ‘social fathers’ of a new ‘religion’. The creed coupled their master’s Nouveau Christianisme (1825) to Charles Fourier’s Théorie des quatre mouvements (1809).
- 19.
Fourier’s fantastical book Théorie des quatre mouvements (1809) outlined designs for a federation of communities based on ‘scientific observation’. Here he prompted metaphysicians to categorise the senses and the passions, not unlike Comte, who later urged scholars to catalogue the sciences for the principle of love, order and progress. Rebuking the ‘absurd schemes and visionary plans’ of ‘sociology’, Fourier’s ‘social science’ aimed to extend the Newtonian ‘theory of material attraction’ to include ‘passional attraction’. Social ‘order and happiness’, after all, was linked to the desires. Fourier’s phalanstère, a palace dedicated to humanity reflected this premise. Observing that private, monogamous family life perpetuated social injustice, economic jealousy, and public strife, he discussed how the people of the phalanstère would live out their lives in seven age groups. At the heart of this socio-spatial design was the notion that it could kindle public passion for ‘social virtue’ or ‘the performance of deeds of kindness and justice’ (Fourier 1851, iv, xxxi, 339; n.d., 18; 1857, iii–9, 25, 40–56, 77, 131; Beecher 1986, 422; Pilbeam 2000, 40).
- 20.
This treatise marked the Conservative Party’s emergence from the Tory organisation. Committed to mere ‘moderate reform’, ‘order’, and ‘good government’, the manifesto was an intentionally ambiguous bid to middle-class voters (Evans 1991, 35–6). With its promises to resuscitate the fortunes of the Church of England, it also attracted Ultras. Peel’s support for the 1829 Roman Catholic Relief Act left Ultras embittered. It was a necessary concession to make after Daniel O’Connell’s election as County Clare MP, however.
- 21.
The authors signed their texts only with the initials of their nicknames. George Henry Wells wrote in his copy of The Rugby Magazine the contributors’ names next to these initials. For instance, he wrote ‘Congreve’ beside ‘F. C.’, which presumably meant ‘Frenchie Congreve’, ‘friction Congreve’ match, or ‘fiery Congreve’ rocket. Wells wrote ‘Tom (Yanky) Clough’ next to ‘T. Y. C.’ (also see: Kenny 2005, 11; Hardy 1911, 24). Congreve later contributed to the magazine pieces entitled ‘Death of Alaric’, the ‘Departure of Crassus’, and ‘Josephus’ (Bod.M. c 349, f.56).
- 22.
- 23.
- 24.
The Hody Exhibition for the study of Hebrew and Greek offered £45 annually, if recipients passed an examination every term. The Goodridge Exhibition offered £20 to ‘deserving commoners’ (N.A. 1881, 97).
- 25.
The title ‘The Oxford Malignants and Dr. Hampden’ suggests that the Tractarians’ actions reflected those of the neo-Laudian renegades or loyalists to the absolutist monarch and Catholic sympathiser, Charles I. Cromwell had denounced Oxford Laudians as ‘the Malignant Party’ because they refused to acknowledge him as Lord Protector (Nettleship 1889, 318; Jones 2003, 96). In Arnold’s mind, recent Tractarian lectures amounted to a repudiation of the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688; instead he and Congreve favoured the Jacobite Tory and ‘pure despotism’ of James II. See: (Nockles 1996, 101, 118fn46; Nockles 1994, 74; Stanley 1845a, 312; Monod 1989, 152). Arnold’s intertangling of religion and politics served as an impetus for Congreve, an ‘admirer hitherto of Charles I’, to shift his views. ‘Oh, the misery of that original composition. Dictatorship encouraged by it’, wrote Congreve (BL 45261, ff.7).
- 26.
- 27.
Newman questioned Christian teachings on absolving sin, or how one becomes righteous in the eyes of God (Turner 2002, 266–7). The ‘Lutheran’ or ‘Continental view’ of ‘faith as the instrument of justification’, wrote Newman, was erroneously rooted ‘in what Christ is’. Here Christ’s ‘saving and divine grace’ transferred to the sinner and absolved them of their sins (Newman 1838, 2–3, 34–58). Newman also rejected the ultra-Romanist approach to justification that amounted to expressing obedience to Christ or ‘in what we are’ as his followers (Newman 1838, 2–3, 34–58).
- 28.
Indeed, after Congreve converted to the ‘Human Catholicism’ of the Religion of Humanity, he later in life admitted to having been ‘violently, foolishly’ anti-Newman at Oxford (BL 45261, f.10).
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Wilson, M. (2021). Things About a Highly Strung Evangelist, 1818–1838. In: Richard Congreve, Positivist Politics, the Victorian Press, and the British Empire. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83438-8_2
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