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Bounded volatility in the Dutch electoral battlefield: A panel study on the structure of changing vote intentions in the Netherlands during 2006–2010

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Abstract

Dutch elections continue to be the most volatile of Western Europe. But to what extent do voters’ changes in vote intentions continue to be structured by underlying ideological dimensions? This article discusses various theories on the ideological structure of the Dutch party system at the electoral level, and the way they relate to processes of dealignment and realignment. We test these theories using the 1Vandaag Opinion Panel data set, which follows 54 763 respondents in 53 waves between November 2006 and June 2010. We assess individuals’ changes in vote intentions, and analyse the structure in these changes. We draw three conclusions. First, Dutch voters are boundedly volatile and they tend to stick to one of two blocks of parties: a block of traditionally left-wing parties (PvdA, SP, GL) and a block of right-wing parties (CDA, VVD, TON and PVV). D66 functions as the electoral lynchpin between these blocks. Second, the Dutch party system is best described by a sociocultural dimension and a socio-economic dimension. Third, there is support for realignment (along the sociocultural dimension) and continued alignment (along the socio-economic dimension). Yet, we find evidence for widening electoral divisions: there is an electoral gap in the traditionally crowded political centre.

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Notes

  1. Although vote intentions come close, they are not the same as actual choices made in the voting booth.

  2. Voters may be continuously aligned along a socio-economic dimension, but concurrently realign along a sociocultural dimension.

  3. Nevertheless, the coalition breakdown was not (manifestly) caused by economic issues, but by internal quarrels about the Iraq war and plans for a renewed military mission in Afghanistan.

  4. As the 1VOP data set only reports age groups, we left out people in the lowest age group (younger than 20 years when they first participated in the 1VOP). All analyses are restricted to those in the second lowest age group (20–27 years) and higher. This did not affect our findings substantively.

  5. The average participation is 17.7 times; 6 per cent of the respondents take part in 40 waves or more. Our findings are robust to the exclusion of respondents who participated in very few or many waves.

  6. This calculation excludes changes that involve non-substantive answer categories.

  7. Volatility and frequency of participation are evidently correlated (r=0.42, P<0.01). However, stability in vote intentions is not an artefact resulting from infrequent participation. Respondents who changed vote intention at least once participated 20.9 times on average compared with 14.2 times for those who did not.

  8. Online accounts cannot be proven to be strictly personal. We used background questions on age, sex and educational level (that respondents were asked to fill in twice) to check for shared accounts: respondents with changing sex or decreasing age or educational level were excluded from the sample. These respondents made up less than 0.5 per cent of our data set.

  9. In the 2006 elections, a plurality of the 1VOP sample voted SP (21 per cent), and in 2010 PvdA (23 per cent), compared with, respectively, 17 per cent and 20 per cent in the actual election outcomes. CDA is underrepresented in the 1VOP sample (27 per cent in the 2006 elections, 16 per cent in the sample; 14 per cent in the 2010 elections, 8 per cent in the sample).

  10. A small bias remains. PvdA gets about two seats more in 1VOP; PVV and VVD perform a bit worse.

  11. These are: Christian Democrats (CDA), Labour (PvdA), Socialist Party (SP), Liberal-Conservatives (VVD), Freedom Party (PVV), GreenLeft (GL), ChristianUnion (CU), Democrats (D66), Animal Party (PvdD), Orthodox Christians (SGP) and the short-lived party ‘Proud of the Netherlands’ (TON). TON never got elected into parliament, but had huge support in opinion polls in the year after its foundation in November 2007.

  12. It optimises voters’ and parties’ positions in this graphical representation by configuring triples of parties so that they are monotonically decreasing from voters’ preferred parties. The number of Guttman violations (voters preferring two parties, but not a party that should be positioned in between) is minimised.

  13. If we had interpreted our data as similarities data – with only parties as relevant objects – we could have applied multidimensional scaling (MDS). However, MDS would consider unpopular parties as similar to each other. Consequently, the analysis would be strongly biased towards plotting the non-preferred parties closely together. Nevertheless, the dimensional structure and party positions in the MDS-output resemble those of the unfolding analysis.

  14. Although MDS is suboptimal, it allows a test whether the importance of the dimensions differ between the four time periods. INDSCAL-analyses show no consistent changes across time. The structure of the electoral battlefield did not change between 2006 and 2010, even though the direction of the voter streams did.

  15. Appendix B presents a similar table about the average proportion of times parties were mentioned by voters in each of the polls they participated in.

  16. Although CU is positioned in the centre, it was consistently small in the polls. Hence, the party was not used as a midpoint to the same extent as D66.

  17. Yet D66 is evidently strongly dissimilar electorally to the PVV, its usual antipod in debates.

  18. The share of voters moving between SP and PVV is smaller. Unlike D66, the SP only exchanges voters with PVV (and not with any other parties from the opposite block), whereas PVV does the same vice versa.

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Acknowledgements

This study is part of the research programme ‘Adrift or adroit? On the sources of electoral volatility in the Netherlands, 2006–2010’, which was financed by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO). The authors are grateful for the valuable comments on earlier drafts by the anonymous reviewers. All appendices are available online at http://home.medewerker.uva.nl/t.w.g.vandermeer/bestanden/VDM_AP_app.pdf.

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van der Meer, T., Lubbe, R., van Elsas, E. et al. Bounded volatility in the Dutch electoral battlefield: A panel study on the structure of changing vote intentions in the Netherlands during 2006–2010. Acta Polit 47, 333–355 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1057/ap.2012.5

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