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The personal and the subpersonal in the theory of mind debate

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Abstract

It is a widely accepted assumption within the philosophy of mind and psychology that our ability for complex social interaction is based on the mastery of a common folk psychology, that is to say that social cognition consists in reasoning about the mental states of others in order to predict and explain their behavior. This, in turn, requires the possession of mental-state concepts, such as the concepts belief and desire. In recent years, this standard conception of social cognition has been called into question by proponents of so-called ‘direct-perception’ approaches to social cognition (e.g., Gallagher 2001, 2005, 2007, 2012; Gallagher and Hutto 2008; Zahavi 2005, 2011) and by those who argue that the ‘received view’ implies a degree of computational complexity that is implausible (e.g., Bermúdez 2003; Apperly and Butterfill 2009). In response, it has been argued that these attacks on the classical view of social cognition have no bite at the subpersonal level of explanation, and that it is the latter which is at issue in the debate in question (e.g., Herschbach 2008; Spaulding 2010, 2015). In this paper, I critically examine this response by considering in more detail the distinction between personal and subpersonal level explanations. There are two main ways in which the distinction has been developed (Drayson 2014). I will argue that on either of these, the response proposed by defenders of the received view is unconvincing. This shows that the dispute between the standard conception and alternative approaches to mindreading is a dispute concerning personal-level explanations - what is at stake in the debate between proponents of the classical view of social cognition and their critics is how we, as persons, navigate our social world. I will conclude by proposing a pluralistic approach to social cognition, which is better able to do justice to the multi-faceted nature of our social interactions as well as being able to account for recent empirical findings regarding the social cognitive abilities of young infants.

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Notes

  1. There is one caveat to this claim for there is a version of the simulation theory that allows for a form of simulation that does not require forming conceptual judgements attributing mental states to others (Gordon 1986).

  2. At the time when most of these criticisms were developed, this was typically taken to be the case at about 4–5 years of age, when children are able to pass verbal “false-belief” tasks. However, since then, evidence based on nonverbal mindreading tasks has been put forward that challenges the age at which mental state concepts are acquired (see Onishi and Baillargeon 2010 for a review). The authors of these studies generally interpret them as evidence of mental state concept possession years earlier, and even before the acquisition of language. Hence, the age at which children acquire mental state concepts is currently disputed. We will discuss this issue in more detail further below.

  3. It is not entirely clear how the ‘direct perception’ of mental states is to be understood. As I will explain below, we might take this to mean that we have a nonconceptual, non-inferential understanding of the mental states of others.Also see Michael and DeBruin (2015) for a detailed discussion of the notion of social perception.

  4. Notice that more recently, proponents of TT and ST have argued that this in fact mischaracterizes their view and have put forward interpretations of TT and ST that are compatible with a direct, perception-like access to the minds of others, as an anonymous referee helpfully pointed out to me. For a detailed debate of the social perception thesis, see Michael and DeBruin (2015).

  5. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for raising these points.

  6. Though note current discussions on the relation between the concepts of knowledge and belief (Nagel 2013).

  7. An alternative way to look at these findings (which was put forward by a referee for this journal) is that while children younger than four years old do not yet possess concepts of mental states as propositional attitudes they might have simpler concepts that are still genuinely representations of mental states. Indeed, although they have tended to receive less philosophical attention, there are mental states that are arguably best characterized as being non-propositional, though it’s not clear that these are simpler (see Grzankowski 2013). However, the question at issue in the studies cited here was whether children possess the concept of belief, which is a propositional attitude. Moreover, the received view as it has been laid out implies an understanding of propositional attitude psychology. Thus, insofar as children younger than four seem to lack this, they do not seem to engage in mindreading as it is being construed on the received view.

  8. Notice that simulation theorists are ambiguous as to whether the assumed projection into the situation of another requires a specification of the others’ mental state, or whether we simply adopt their perceptual perspective. However, as Bermúdez (2003) has pointed out, adopting someone’s perceptual perspective is of limited use with regard to a prediction of their behaviour. In order to know how their perceptual states will affect their behaviour, we need to know how they relate to other mental states. Thus, at least some attitudes need to be attributed in order to get the simulation process started.

  9. Accordingly, Bermúdez sees his worry regarding the computional complexitiy as being ultimately orthogonal to the frame problem.

  10. Hence, on this view, TT and ST don’t have to be thought of as being incompatible with the ability to “directly perceive” the mental states of others. Notice that Spaulding’s useage of the term “non-mentalistic” is potentially confusing here. Standardly, this term is used behavioristically, referring to cognitive abilities that do not involve the representation or tracking of mental states (as a referee helpfully pointed out to me). This doesn’t seem to be the way Spaulding uses the term, though.

  11. This way of framing the issue was suggested to me by an anonymous referee.

  12. Also see Spaulding (2015) who admits that while the terms “prediction” and “explanation” might be considered to be personal-level terms (in the sense of involving conscious reflection), “anticipation” and “interpretation” can occur subconsciously. For this as well as for other reasons, she claims that the latter are more appropriate terms.

  13. Notice that while Herschbach is not explicitly concerned with the role of concept possession in social cognition, Spaulding’s explicit aim in her 2010 paper is to defend the received view of social cognition (understood as involving conceptual mental state attributions) against views involving pre-theoretical, nonconceptual forms of intersubjectivity.

  14. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for pointing me towards Drayson’s paper.

  15. This is not to say that subpersonal level processes cannot be genuinely representational. To the contrary, it has been argued that it is one of the attractions of the notion of nonconceptual content that it enables us to do justice to explanations in the cognitive sciences that attribute (nonconceptual) representational content to subpersonal level processes while at the same time capturing the intuition that the realm of reasons (and hence of conceptual representations) is limited to persons (Bermúdez 2007). Notice, however, that McDowell (1994) denies that there is genuine content at the subpersonal level.

  16. For instance, it could be claimed that ST requires something like the mirror neuron network whereas TT does not. However, this is rather controversial; for a recent critical discussion of the claim that mirror neurons are evidence for ST, see Spaulding (2012). Alternatively, the difference between TT and ST might be seen in the fact that TT posits the existence of an abstract set of laws – which might, in turn, presuppose a GOFAI architecture –, while ST could be based on statistical patterns or heuristics – which might, in turn, be compatible with connectionist approaches to cognition (cf. Herschbach 2008).

  17. I am grateful to an anonymous referee for raising this objection.

  18. Carruthers (2013) suggests that rather than thinking of two independent systems for mindreading, we should assume the existence of a core mindreading system (as one of a set of systems subsumed under System 1) and to think of System 2 as a general purpose system.

  19. Also see Newen (2015) for an account of social cognition that encompasses multiple epistemic strategies for understanding others based on the background information available to us.

  20. See Fiebich and Coltheart (2015) for a promising proposal with respect to this question.

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Acknowledgements

Early drafts of this paper were presented at a conference on the personal and the subpersonal at the Institute of Philosophy in London, at the Philosophy Department at the LSE, at conferences of the European Society for Philosophy and Psychology and the German Society for Philosophy of Science, and at the Department of Philosophy in Leipzig. I am grateful for the feedback received from the audiences on these occasions. I am also indebted to two anonymous referees for this journal for their extraordinarily detailed and constructive criticisms which were invaluable for improving this manuscript. Sonja Priesmeyer helped with the final editing. Finally, I am grateful to the organizers of the workshop “Investigating the Social Self” in Parma, Katja Crone and Wolfgang Huemer, for providing me with the opportunity to present my work and for putting together this special issue.

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Musholt, K. The personal and the subpersonal in the theory of mind debate. Phenom Cogn Sci 17, 305–324 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11097-017-9504-4

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