Populist Representational Practices and Foreign Policy: An Analysis of the Case of Poland

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Political Communication and Performative Leadership

Abstract

The indirect, unintended and constitutive effects of populism on foreign policy tend to escape the attention of the growing scholarship on the topic. This chapter purports to shed light on these effects through a case-study on Poland, where the right-wing populist Law and Justice (PiS) party has been in power since 2015. Populism is understood and studied as a set of performative, discursive and stylistic practices that are directly reproduced in, or indirectly spill over onto, foreign policy. As such, they shape the framework of meaning in which policies are formulated and, thereby, enable some while disabling others. In Poland, these effects have varied across policy areas. In some instances, such as on Europe or Germany, the PiS government has contested and redefined some of the core representations, identities and role conceptions in Polish foreign policy tradition. In others, such as on the US or Russia, it has sought to claim this tradition, but its domestic political practice and transgression of diplomatic norms has undermined the realization of its own foreign policy objectives. The chapter’s main argument is that populism, rather than translating into programmatic ideas about foreign policy, shapes the context in which foreign policy is formulated, debated and implemented.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    A significant share of the theoretical and empirical discussion in this chapter draws from this article.

  2. 2.

    This is especially true if, as the authors suggest, we move beyond Laclau’s strictly bottom-up approach to adopt a relational one—and, I would add, if we drop the normative dimension present in Laclau’s (especially later) works.

  3. 3.

    ‘The European Union without a hegemon’, Poland.pl, 24 February 2017, https://poland.pl/politics/foreign-affairs/european-union-without-hegemon/

  4. 4.

    Interview with an adviser to the Polish Foreign Minister Waszczykowski, Warsaw, 25 October 2017.

  5. 5.

    ‘Poland removes EU flag in Brussels snub’, Financial Times, 24 November 2015.

  6. 6.

    EU Coalition Explorer, European Council on Foreign Relations, London, May 2017, available at https://www.ecfr.eu/page/ECFR209_EU_COALITION_EXPLORER_2017_V2.0.pdf

  7. 7.

    The four conditions were: the integration of Poland in the Normandy format; the abandonment of the Nordstream 2 pipeline project; the modification of the EU’s climate and energy package; and the granting of minority status to Poles living in Germany.

  8. 8.

    ‘Trump and Poland: From Love to Hate in Under Nine Months’, Daily Beast, 03/09/2018, https://www.thedailybeast.com/trump-and-poland-from-love-to-hate-in-under-nine-months

  9. 9.

    In particular, it has regularly claimed that the 2010 Smolensk plane crash, which had taken the lives of President Lech Kaczyński and 95 others travelling on the Presidential plane (i.e. ministers, advisers, army officers, etc), had been orchestrated by Moscow with the complacency, if not help, of the PO government. While the Polish governmental investigation conducted at the time concluded to an accident, the PiS government has chosen to re-open the file and appointed the former (and controversial) Minister of Defence Antoni Macierewicz as head of the new investigation committee. See: https://notesfrompoland.com/2020/04/10/commemoration-and-controversy-as-poland-marks-tenth-anniversary-of-smolensk-crash/

  10. 10.

    ‘Poland’s president signs controversial law despite protests’, The Guardian, 25 July 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jul/25/polands-president-signs-controversial-law-despite-protests; ‘EU may “misunderstand system that functions in Poland”, says PM’s chief of staff’, Notes from Poland, 18 September 2021, https://notesfrompoland.com/2021/09/08/eu-may-misunderstand-system-that-functions-in-poland-says-pms-chief-of-staff/

  11. 11.

    https://www.ft.com/content/ac57409d-20c9-4d65-9a5d-6661277cd9af

  12. 12.

    Dryjanska, A., 2017. Zdumiewająca wypowiedź szefa gabinetu Witolda Waszczykowskiego. Ukraina długo nam tego nie zapomni, Natemat, https://natemat.pl/224975,zdumiewajaca-wypowiedz-szefa-gabinetu-witolda-waszczykowskiego-istnienie-ukrainy-nie-jest-warunkiem-istnienia-wolnej-polski

  13. 13.

    ‘Waszczykowski dla “wSieci” o stosunkach polsko-ukraińskich: Nasz przekaz jest bardzo jasny: z Banderą do Europy nie wejdziecie’, wPolityce.pl, 3/07/2017, https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/347083-waszczykowski-dla-wsieci-o-stosunkach-polsko-ukrainskich-nasz-przekaz-jest-bardzo-jasny-z-bandera-do-europy-nie-wejdziecie

  14. 14.

    Interview with a Polish diplomat, Warsaw, 17 October 2017; ‘“De-communisation” leads to Foreign Ministry dismissals’, Telewizja Polska (TVP), 23 May 2019, https://polandin.com/42757884/decommunisation-leads-to-foreign-ministry-dismissals

  15. 15.

    ‘Projekt ustawy o służbie zagranicznej’, Chancellery of the Prime Minister of Poland, Adopted in the Council of Minister 21 January 2021, https://www.gov.pl/web/premier/Projekt-ustawy-o-sluzbie-zagranicznej

  16. 16.

    RMF24, 2020. Czarnek: Doszliśmy w Europie do poziomu gorszego niż Związek Radziecki i komunizm,

    https://www.rmf24.pl/fakty/polska/news-czarnek-doszlismy-w-europie-do-poziomu-gorszego-niz-zwiazek-,nId,4880956

  17. 17.

    NFP, 2020. “Leftist elites” trying to remove Polish government with western support, warns president, 15/11/2020, https://notesfrompoland.com/2020/11/15/leftist-elites-trying-to-remove-government-with-western-support-warns-polish-president/

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Cadier, D. (2023). Populist Representational Practices and Foreign Policy: An Analysis of the Case of Poland. In: Lacatus, C., Meibauer, G., Löfflmann, G. (eds) Political Communication and Performative Leadership. The Palgrave Macmillan Series in International Political Communication. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41640-8_4

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