The Authority of Conscience in Early Modern England and New England: A Reconsideration

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Politics, Religion and Political Theology

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Abstract

Turn over a stone, and surprises unfold. The stone I turn over in this essay concerns the word “conscience” and how it was employed in Tudor-Stuart England and early America. Underneath this initial stone lies another, the rethinking in recent historical scholarship of a powerful figure of speech, early modern societies as “persecuting” in their relationship to religious dissent or nonconformity. Taking stock of each of these topics, I begin by reflecting on a cluster of studies that replace the duality of persecution/liberty with a much more contextualized narrative of persecution and liberty as conditional or circumstantial. For the most part, I rely on Alexandra Walsham’s Charitable Hatred: Tolerance and Intolerance in England, 1500–1700 (2006), supplementing her narrative with a brief review of the “two kingdom” theory of church and state as it was practiced among the colonists in New England. Thereafter, I describe one of the meanings of “conscience” within Anglo-American Puritanism, an interpretation focused on its role as an instrument of ordained truth or, as writers in the early modern period would have said, conscience as “well-ordered.” The point of view I describe may be contrasted with Enlightenment or liberal theorizing about the rights of the free individual. Not that liberty but something quite different—in effect, a liberty to acknowledge duly constituted authority—is how conscience was supposed to function: conscience as “con scientia,” “with wisdom,” i.e., aligned with a wisdom that was collectively maintained.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Coffey 2000 retains the term, although questioning it in other respects. In turn his framework is disputed by Walsham 2006.

  2. 2.

    Also relevant are Kaplan 2007 and Schwartz 2008. Other recent scholarship is cited in the endnotes of these books.

  3. 3.

    I owe this point to James Simpson. In an essay that adds a great many citations from classical and Renaissance texts to mine, Strohm 2010 makes a similar point.

  4. 4.

    It was of course possible to dispute whether Wheelwright’s sermon was seditious. The key documents are assembled in Hall 1968. For a typical statement of official thinking in Elizabethan England, see Peel 1915.

  5. 5.

    Bush 2001, 502–3.

  6. 6.

    Walsham 2006, 30. I expand on this description in Hall 2009, 412–14.

  7. 7.

    Ibid., p. 271. The easiest way of eluding the sting of excommunication was to move to another town. For evidence of this practice around the time that the law of 1638 was enacted, see Felt 1855, 1: 379–80.

  8. 8.

    Quoted in David D. Hall 2004, 175–76; see also p. 190.

  9. 9.

    The “Model” survives only because Roger Williams incorporated it into The Bloudy Tenet of Persecution (Williams 1963, 3: 222). The colonists owed the two kingdom theory to the Reformed tradition. For Calvin ’s insistence on differentiating the “spiritual” from the “political,” see Institutes, Bk. III, Ch. XIX. Sect. 15.

  10. 10.

    Some of the rough sledding is described in Hall 1972, chap. 6. I place the repeal of the law of 1638 in the context of apocalyptic expectations of “godly rule” in Hall 2011, chap. 3.

  11. 11.

    Perkins 1596, 84, a reference I owe to Sullivan 2008, 1.

  12. 12.

    Thomas Shepard to Hugh Peter, 1645, printed in New England Historic Genealogical Register 39 (1895): 371.

  13. 13.

    The Works of Thomas Shepard, ed. John A. Albro, 3 vols. (Boston, 1853a, b) 3: 298, 288.

  14. 14.

    Ibid., 293, 301, 305, 312, 316, 327.

  15. 15.

    Quoted in Marshall 1980, 55–56. In Thomas Shepard’s The Sincere Convert, he characterized conscience as “God’s register, or notary, which is in every man …which telleth them there is a God.” Works of Thomas Shepard, 1: 11. Behind such analogies stand the reflections on conscience in The Confessions, where it also acts as a “voice.”

  16. 16.

    Upham 1966, 2: 316–17; McGiffert, 1972, 107. A “popular” version of this argument, coupled with a critique of liberty of conscience as moral evasion, may be found in Jones (pseud.), 1680.

  17. 17.

    “Tender” could also mean, being softened by the Spirit en route to experiencing conversion. Jonathan Edwards used the expression in this sense in Some Thoughts Concerning the present Revival of religion in New-England (Boston, 1742 [actually, 1743], reprinted in The Great Awakening, vol. 4 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards, ed. C. C. Goen (New Haven, 1972), p. 325.

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Hall, D.D. (2017). The Authority of Conscience in Early Modern England and New England: A Reconsideration. In: Speight, C., Zank, M. (eds) Politics, Religion and Political Theology. Boston Studies in Philosophy, Religion and Public Life, vol 6. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1082-2_2

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