Abstract
San Baudelio’s paintings have long confounded a problematical quest for clarity and consistency in the church’s decorative program. In particular its large panels of hunters and animals—some of which echo Umayyad and Taifa prototypes—are alternatively understood either as secular or exotic in content, or as metaphors for the spiritual life of the monks. Here I would like to suggest a new sacred lexicon for some of the lower paintings through twelfth-century symbolic texts. However, it is not in a search for clear identities and conventional iconographies that San Baudelio is best understood; it is rather through yielding to the iconographical and stylistic tangle of San Baudelio’s lower paintings—its sacred and secular histories intertwined with transforming identities on the twelfth-century Duero—that we may unearth some of its richest meanings, and read the complexity of the world from which it sprang.
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Notes
- 1.
My thanks to Isidro Bango for his guidance, and for his enduring inspiration. I wish to extend my gratitude to Sarah Davis-Secord, Belen Vicens and Robin Vose for their extraordinary work in this tribute to our dear colleague Remie Constable, whom we miss so deeply. This particular study has profited from the support of the Guggenheim Foundation and the Harlequin Adair Dammann Chair at Sarah Lawrence College, and from colleagues Ana Cabrera, Kyle Lincoln, Therese Martin, Pamela Patton and José Luis Senra. I am indebted to the Department of Medieval Art and the Cloisters at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and in particular to Geoffrey Danisher at the Esther Raushenbush Library at Sarah Lawrence College. Parts of this article appeared in Spanish in Pintado en la pared: El muro como soporte visual en la Edad Media, ed. Santiago Manzarbeitia Valle, Matilde Azcárate Luxán, and Irene González Hernando (Madrid: Ediciones Complutenses, 2018). My thanks to the editorial board of Pintado en la pared for permission to include these sections.
- 2.
See the early distinguished studies of Vicente Lampérez y Romea, Historia de la arquitectura cristiana española en la edad media (Madrid: J. Blassy y cía., 1908), 1: 249–52, and Manuel Gómez-Moreno, Iglesias mozárabes: arte español de los siglos IX a XI (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1919), 1: 309–20.
- 3.
See the state of the question by Marta Poza Yagüe, “San Baudelio de Berlanga, cien años después: Balance historiográfico y nuevas interpretaciones,” Goya 322 (2008): 3–22, and the extensive bibliography of Milagros Guardia (below, note 5).
- 4.
A number of the “lower” paintings and those of the first level of the Christological program were removed from the church in 1926 and are now dispersed to collections in Spain and the United States. See the accounts of Heather Ecker, “San Baudelio de Berlanga: An Architectural Jewel Remade” (Exhibition Prospectus, Factum Foundation), last accessed July 26, 2020 https://www.factum-arte.com/resources/files/fa/exhibitions/dossier/san_baudelio_prospectus_02.pdf and Milagros Guardia Pons, San Baudelio de Berlanga, una encrucijada (Barcelona: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Servei de Publicacions, 2011), 32–45. A restoration by the Instituto del Patrimonio Histórico Español completed in 2002 restored the third level of paintings, including an infancy cycle, and surviving decorations of the ribs and vault.
- 5.
Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga; idem, “San Baudelio de Berlanga: Estructura Arquitectónica y usos litúrgicos,” in Monumentos singulares del románico: nuevas lecturas sobre formas y usos (Aguilar de Campoo: Fundación Santa María la Real, 2012), 181–213; idem, “Fortunio Aznárez en Berlanga,” Románico 20 (2015): 68–77; Poza, “San Baudelio de Berlanga,” 3–22; Isidro Bango Torviso, Arte prerrománico hispano: el arte en la España cristiana de los siglos VI al XI (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 2001), VIII-II, 365–68; idem, “La imagen del monasterio hispano. Algunas reflexiones sobre su estructura y significado,” in El monacato en los reinos de León y Castilla (siglos VII-XIII). Actas del X Congreso de Estudios Medievales (León: Fundación Sánchez Albornoz, 2005), 180; idem, El arte románico en Castilla y León (Madrid: Banco de Santander, 1997), 240, and idem, “El protagonismo de Soria en el origen de la pintura románica castellanaleonesa: Las pinturas de San Miguel de Gormaz. Un programa iconográfico de carácter funerario,” in Jornadas de Estudio y Difusíon del Patrimonio (Soria: Diputación de Soria, 2010), 89–118.
- 6.
Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 65–83; “San Baudelio de Berlanga: Estructura Arquitectónica y usos litúrgicos,” 181–213.
- 7.
Bernard Reilly, The Kingdom of Léon-Castilla under King Alfonso VI (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 329; Carlos Manuel Reglero de la Fuente, “El obispado de Osma hasta mediados del siglo XIII: génesis y problemática,” in Santo Domingo de Caleruega. Contexto Eclesial Religioso IV, Jornadas de Estudios Medievales, ed. Cándido Aniz Iriarte and Luis V. Díaz Martín (Salamanca: San Esteban imp., 1996), 183–224.
- 8.
See Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 21.
- 9.
In particular, the Capilla de Belén, part of the Palace of al-Ma’mun in Toledo, which subsequently became the palace of Alfonso VI. The more common comparison is the mosque called “Bab al-Mardum” in Toledo. See Guardia, “Imparare dell’altro: Il dialogo tra l’arte cristiana e al-Andalus” in Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi: Medioevo Mediterraneo: L’Occidente, Bisanzio e l’Islam dal Tardoantico al Secolo XII, ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle (Milan: Electa, 2007), 420–35. Heather Ecker (“San Baudelio de Berlanga”) suggests that the ribbed vault might have been seen at the Fortress of Gormaz.
- 10.
In 1997, Isidro Bango questioned the commonly held notion that Berlanga’s tribune was constructed to serve its monks, attributing it instead to the Cluniac monastic practice of providing a tribune for the laity with direct access from the outside. See El arte románico en Castilla y León (Madrid: Banco de Santander, 1997), 240; Arte prerrománico hispano, 365–68; “La imagen del monasterio hispano, 180. Guardia and Carrero Santamaría see the tribune as serving the monks: Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 109–124; Eduardo Carrero Santamaría, “Centro y periferia en la ordenación de espacios litúrgicos: Las estructuras corales,” Hortus Artium Medievalium 14 (2008): 159–79.
- 11.
Guardia “San Baudelio de Berlanga: Estructura Arquitectónica y usos litúrgicos,” 194–95. It is now generally accepted that the paintings all belong to the same campaign, of a date before 1136, close to the dates suggested by Guardia (San Baudelio de Berlanga, 205), corresponding to her proposed patronage of Fortunio Aznárez, and to a likely moment for the reconstruction of a part of the Duero much ravaged before 1130. To this I would add this was a very productive moment in its bishopric of Osma. A problem remains in our incomplete record of painting in León-Castile. See Bango Torviso, “El protagonismo de Soria,” 89–93.
- 12.
Jerrilynn Dodds, “Wall Paintings. Hermitage of San Baudelio de Berlanga,” in The Art of Medieval Spain A.D. 500–1200, ed. Jerrilynn Dodds, Charles Little, Serafín Moralejo, and John Williams (New York: Abrams, 1993), 223–28; “Hunting for Identity,” in Imágenes y promotores en el arte medieval, ed. María Luisa Melero (Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Servei de Publicacions, 2001), 89–100 broached the idea of a replica of Jerusalem in 1993. Guardia’s idea is far more developed and elaborated. See San Baudelio de Berlanga, in particular 183–201 and 397–428, and “San Baudelio de Berlanga: Estructura Arquitectónica y usos litúrgicos,” 197–99.
- 13.
Pope Innocent II conceded remission of penitence to pilgrims who gave contributions to the Cathedral of Osma, permitting them to substitute Osma for other pilgrimage sites. Additionally, Bertrán began a confraternity of the Holy Cross at this same moment. See Teófilo Portillo Capilla, “La regla de San Agustín en la catedral de Santa María de Osma,” in Santo Domingo de Caleruega: contexto eclesial religioso: IV Jornadas de Estudios Medievales (Salamanca: San Esteban imp., 1996), 229–33; Juan Loperráez Corvalán, Descripción histórica del Obispado de Osma, 1 (Madrid: Turner, 1978 [reprint]), 104–5. The monumental column at Berlanga, painted with the figue of a militant monk, recalls images of saints on later column paintings in the Holy Land (Jaroslav Folda, “Twelfth-Century Pilgrimage Art in Bethlehem and Jerusalem: Points of Contact between Europe and the Crusader Kingdom,” in Romanesque and the Mediterranean. Points of Contact across the Latin, Greek and Islamic Worlds c.1000 to c.1250, ed. Rosa Maria Bacile and John McNeil (British Archaeological Association, 2015), 1–14.
- 14.
Above, note 11.
- 15.
Poza, “San Baudelio de Berlanga.”
- 16.
“Hunting for Identity,” 89–100; “Hermitage of San Baudelio de Berlanga.” I understood the adversarial relationship and the fight for hegemony implied here to refer to the struggle between the dioceses of Osma and Sigüenza, suggesting an untenable date. Though I still see at San Baudelio a militant language evoking lordship, the present study will serve as a correction of that date and context.
- 17.
Guardia agreed with part of this early interpretation, using it to propose the intervention of Fortunio Aznárez as a patron who wished to show “su condición de noble, victorioso sobre el enemigo musulmán.” San Baudelio de Berlanga, 434. Guardia also sees the images in the lower church as particularly aimed at a lay audience. San Baudelio de Berlanga, 389, note 151, and 434.
- 18.
Antonio de Ávila Juárez, “San Baudelio de Berlanga: fuente sellada del paraíso en el desierto del Duero,” Cuadernos de Arte e Iconografía XIII.26 (2004): 333–96 offers an encyclopedic approach, seeing the imagery as “una catequesis de la lucha contra el pecado” del monje, “y su progreso spiritual” to Paradise, as represented in the architectural interior.
- 19.
Poza, “San Baudelio de Berlanga,” 3–22. For Bango Torviso see above, note 5.
- 20.
De Ávila Juárez, “San Baudelio de Berlanga,” 354.
- 21.
José Luis Senra Gabriel y Galán, “La iconografía del primer proyecto catedralico: Un tránsito de perfección hacia el hombre espiritual,” in En el principio, génesis de la Catedral Románica de Santiago de Compostela: contexto, construcción y programa iconográfico, ed. José Luis Senra Gabriel y Galán (Santiago de Compostela: Teófilo Ediciones, 2014), 178–79, 179 note 62; Ambrose of Milan, Hexameron, 3.50, trans. John J. Savage (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1961), 263.
- 22.
A comparison cited in particular by Guardia and Muñoz: Guardia, Las pinturas bajas de la ermita de San Baudelio de Berlanga (Soria). Problemas de orígenes e iconografía (Soria: Diputacíon de Soria, 1982), 134; San Baudelio de Berlanga, 369 and 372; José Miguel Muñoz Jiménez, “Las pinturas de San Baudelio de Berlanga y el tapiz de Bayeux: la posible inspiración nórdica del ciclo profano,” Goya 253–254 (1996): 12–17.
- 23.
Muñoz Jiménez, “Las pinturas.”
- 24.
Jerrilynn Dodds, “A Note on the Mounted Falconer,” in Al-Kitab: estudios en homenaje a Juan Zozaya Stabel Hansen, ed. Carmelo Fernández Ibáñez (Madrid: Asociación Española de Arqueología Medieval, 2019), 47–56.
- 25.
Ann Carrington, “The Horseman and the Falcon: Mounted Falconers in Pictish Sculpture,” Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 126 (1996): 459–68; Robin Oggins, The Kings and their Hawks: Falconry in Medieval England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), especially 39–43.
- 26.
Camón Aznar early saw the relationship of the Berlanga paintings with Andalusi objects. José Camón Aznar, “Pinturas mozárabes de San Baudelio de Berlanga,” Goya 26 (1958): 76–80. This banner was taken up with great energy by Juan Zozaya, “Algunas observaciones en torno a la ermita de San Baudelio de Casillas de Berlanga,” Cuadernos de la Alhambra 12 (1979): 307–38.
- 27.
Sophie Makariou, “The Al-Mughira Pyxis and the Spanish Umayyad Ivories: Aims and Tools of Power,” in Umayyad Legacies: Medieval Memories from Syria to Spain, ed. Antoine Borrut and Paul Cobb (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 313–35. Thanks to Olga Bush for wise counsel.
- 28.
Makariou, “The Al-Mughira Pyxis.”
- 29.
Avinoam Shalem, ed., The Chasuble of Thomas Becket: A Biography (Munich: Hirmer, 2017). Thanks to Avinoam Shalem and Elisabetta Raffo for their generosity in making photos of the chasuble available for this study.
- 30.
Eva Baer, “The Suaire of Saint Lazare, An Early Datable Hispano-Islamic Embroidery,” Oriental Art 13 (1967): 36–49. See also Sophie Makariou, “Quelques réflexions sur les objets au nom de ‘Abd al-Malik ibn al-Mansûr,” Archéologie islamique 11 (2001): 51–54, who questions the exact identification of the image with ‘Abd al-Malik. More recently Ariane Dor, “The Suaire de Saint Lazare at Autun: The Story of the Shroud, or, How a Hispano-Moresque Silk Became a Relic,” in The Chasuble of Thomas Becket, 126–41.
- 31.
There is also an elephant in the vault, the howdah of which is smaller in scale and more decorative in nature. This image, as Guardia has noted, projects a more diminished militancy than the monumental one in the nave. Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 373–74.
- 32.
Willene B. Clark, A Medieval Book of Beasts: The Second-family Bestiary: Commentary, Art, Text and Translation (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2006), 10 and 128.
- 33.
Guardia interprets San Joan de Boí, dating about 1100, through “el concepto de la varietas y a la vez de la intención de ordenación harmónica, para sugerir el mundo creado y como panegírico de su creador.” Guardia, “De lo supuestamente profano y de lo sacro en las pinturas de Sant Joan de Boí,” Codex Aquilarensis 33 (2017): 98. A small elephant with howdah in the intrados of the triumphal arch at Santos Justo y Pastor in Segovia accompanies an image of Adam and Eve, suggesting its moralization within a Genesis cycle. Joan Sureda Pons, La pintura románica en España (Madrid: Alianza, 1995), 75; Daniel Galindo Jiménez, “San Justo de Segovia: Una nueva interpretación iconográfica en el contexto de la dedicación de una iglesia,” Codex Aquilarensis 24 (2008): 185–90.
- 34.
Isabel Mateo Gómez, “San Baudelio de Berlanga, Un posible precedente formal e iconográfico de otras manifestaciones artísticas de los siglos XIV y XV,” in Arte, poder y sociedad en la España de los siglos XV a XX, ed. Miguel Cabañas Bravo et al. (Madrid: CSIC, 2008), 435–44; Adolf Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Medieval Art (New York: Norton, 1964), 76, note 1.
- 35.
On the paintings of Sant Joan de Boí, which date around 1100, see Guardia, “De lo supuestamente profano,” 85–106. An earlier image of a camel from the Fabularum apologi (BNF NAL 1132, fol. 39v), ninth-tenth centuries, looks like a sort of hairy rhinoceros.
- 36.
Simon Barton and Richard Fletcher, eds. and trans., The World of El Cid. Chronicles of the Spanish Reconquest (New York: Palgrave, 2000), for example, 180–81.
- 37.
Simon Barton, “Marriage Across Frontiers: Sexual Mixing, Power and Identity in Medieval Iberia,” Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 3 (2011): 12; Barton and Fletcher, World of El Cid, 74–89.
- 38.
Willene B. Clark, “Twelfth and Thirteenth-century Latin Sermons and the Latin Bestiary,” Compar(a)ison 1 (1996): 5–19.
- 39.
Clark, A Medieval Book of Beasts, 20.
- 40.
Willene B. Clark, ed. and trans. The Medieval Book of Birds: Hugh of Fouilloy’s Aviarium. Edition, Translation and Commentary (Binghamton NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1992), 2–3 and 6–9. He looks especially to Isidore of Seville, Hrabanus Maurus, and Gregory the Great’s Moralia in Job among other sources (11–12).
- 41.
Clark, The Medieval Book of Birds, xi. In recent studies she places the date of the De Avibus between 1132 and 1152 (5–10). See also Charles de Clercq, “Hughes de Fouilloy, imagier de ses propres oeuvres?” Revue du Nord 45 (1963): 31–43, who considers whether Hugh illustrated the De Avibus himself.
- 42.
Author’s translation. Cosimo Fonseca, “Hugh de Fouilloy entre l’ordo antiquus et l’ordo novus,” Cahiers de civilization médiévale Xe - XIIe siècles 16 (1973): 303–12.
- 43.
Clark suggests 1132 as a terminus post quem, though Baudouin Van den Abeele proposes an earlier date. See Sabine Obermeier, Tiere in der Literatur de Mittelalters. Ein interdisziplinäres Lexikon, Johannes Gutenberg Universitat, Mainz, https://www.animaliter.uni-mainz.de/.
- 44.
Conrad Rudolph, Violence and Daily Life: Reading, Art and Polemics in the Dijon ‘Moralia in Job’ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 90.
- 45.
de Clercq, “Hughes de Fouilloy,” 35. Another important copy of the Moralia is to be found in the archives of the Obispado of Osma (177C S).
- 46.
Marie-Dominique Chenu, “The Symbolist Mentality,” in Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century, Essays on New Theological Perspectives in the Latin West, ed. and trans. Jerome Taylor and Lester Little (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 99–145.
- 47.
Cited in Chenu, “The Symbolist Mentality,” 99 and note 5.
- 48.
Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 411–12 and note 188.
- 49.
Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 2.7.12–15; Hrabanus Maurus, The Nature of Things, 22.6.
- 50.
Corpus Christi College, University of Cambridge, Parker Library Manuscript 53, fol. 199r.
- 51.
Michelle Bolduc, “Silence’s Beasts,” in The Mark of the Beast: The Medieval Bestiary in Art, Life, and Literature, ed. Debra Hassig (New York: Routledge, 2000), 193–94. She sees Hugh as the source of the image’s meaning (Nottingham, University Library, Ms. Middleton Mi.LM.6, fol. 218v).
- 52.
Baudouin Van den Abeele, “Kranich,” in Sabine Obermeier, Tiere in der Literatur de Mittelalters. Ein interdisziplinäres Lexikon, Johannes Gutenberg Universitat, Mainz, Papagei—E.4—II.1 Physiologus, Bestiarien, Kranich: https://www.animaliter.uni-mainz.de/2011/06/23/kranich-c-ii-1-physiologus-bestiarien/.
- 53.
Clark, The Medieval Book of Birds, 202–3.
- 54.
Clark, The Medieval Book of Birds, 204–5.
- 55.
Clark, The Medieval Book of Birds, 205.
- 56.
The possible means of transmission of these ideas need to be studied further, because of the proximity of dates. Hugh also discusses the symbolism of the palm and Jerusalem , a possible connection to the significant literature addressing Berlanga’s palm imagery. See Poza, “San Baudelio de Berlanga,” especially 6 as well as María Elena Sainz Magaña, “Arte y religiosidad en torno a San Baudelio,” in Cuando las horas primeras. En el Milenario de la Batalla de Calatañazor, , ed. Carlos de la Casa Martínez and Yolanda Martínez (Soria: Universidad Internacional Alfonso VIII, 2004), 215–24, and de Ávila, “San Baudelio de Berlanga,” 333–95. More recently, Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 352–53.
- 57.
The deer’s connection with the tree is now somewhat obscured by damage incurred when the painting was removed from the church. Most of the tree is now part of the painting of the hare hunter. Both are now located in the Museo del Prado in Madrid.
- 58.
Clark, A Medieval Book of Beasts, 136–37 and note 100.
- 59.
Gregory, in the Moralia, says that teachers can be understood as deer (X, 37). There are also possible positive interpretations for the bear, but these, to my knowledge, do not figure in the literature of monastic allegory. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, Book 12, 2:22.
- 60.
Chenu, “The Symbolist Mentality,” 121. At the heart of this habit of thinking was “Augustinian symbolism,” a “concept of simultaneous multiple meanings” which became a model for the twelfth century (121). Saint Gregory was seen as its most august practitioner, in his Moralia in Job (122).
- 61.
Teófilo Portillo Capilla, “La regla,” 226.
- 62.
Historia Compostellana, 20:116 and 141; Loperráez Corvalán, Descripción histórica 1, 97–8; José María Lacarra de Miguel, “Semblanza de Alfonso El Batallador,” in José María Lacarra de Miguel, Estudios Dedicados a Aragón (Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza, 1987), 180.
- 63.
Clemente Sáenz Ridruejo, “Soria durante la reconquista,” in Historia de Soria, ed. José Antonio Pérez Rioja (Soria: Centro de Estudios Sorianos, 1985), vol. 2, 238; Bernard Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under Queen Urraca (1109–1126) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 81.
- 64.
Loperráez Corvalán, Descripción histórica 1, 98.
- 65.
Historia Compostellana, I, xc, ed. and trans. Emma Falque Rey (Turnhout: Brepols, 1988); José Ángel Lema Pueyo, Alfonso I el Batallador, rey de Aragón y Pamplona (1104–1134) (Gijón: Ediciones Trea, 2008), 306; Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla, 93–94.
- 66.
Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 126.
- 67.
The place of Berlanga in Tamara is not clearly stipulated, but the existence of Fortunio Aznárez as lord of Berlanga, together with Alfonso I’s clear sovereignty as far as San Esteban de Gormaz suggests that Berlanga (and thus San Baudelio) fell under Aragonese dominion between about 1129 and 1134, though it was probably not securely held much before. Lema Pueyo, Alfonso I el Batallador, 303–4; Antonio Ubieto Arteta, Historia de Aragón: La formación territorial (Zaragoza: Anubar, 1981), 181–84. Alfonso of Aragon himself did not return to the Duero after 1128, and Aznárez was a regular in his king’s entourage during those years. See Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 437–38.
- 68.
Guardia, “Fortunio Aznárez en Berlanga,” 68–77 and 75–6.
- 69.
Alfonso I’s sacking of lands belonging to Osma after the breakdown of the matrimonial alliance was harsh, perhaps due to the pretentions of members of the family of Gonzalo Núñez, who had held the tenancy of Osma. Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, “De Rebus Hispaniae,” in Opera, 1, ed. María Desamparados Cabanes Pecourt (Valencia: Anubar, 1968), 145–46; Simon Doubleday, The Lara Family: Crown and Nobility in Medieval Spain (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001), 21; Reilly, The Kingdom of Léon-Castilla under King Alfonso VI, 356.
- 70.
Portillo Capilla, “La regla,” 22.
- 71.
Portillo Capilla, “La regla,” 229–33.
- 72.
Loperráez Corvalán, Descripción histórica, 103–5; Colección diplomática citada en la descripción histórica del Obispado de Osma, Nos. X and XI, 12–13; Portillo Capilla, “La regla,” 232–33 and 238–42.
- 73.
Poza, “San Baudelio de Berlanga,” 16, points out that the iconography is more popular in nature.
- 74.
Bango Torviso, “El protagonismo de Soria,” 107–9.
- 75.
Author’s translation. Bango Torviso, “El protagonismo de Soria,” 109.
- 76.
Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 433.
- 77.
Ubieto Arteta, Historia de Aragón, 211; Bernabé Bartolomé Martínez, “Restauración y configuración de la diócesis (siglos VIII-XV),” in Bernabé Bartolomé Martínez et al., Historia de las diócesis españolas, 20, Iglesias de Burgos, Osma-Soria y Santander (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 2004), 335–80.
- 78.
Toribio Minguella y Arnedo, Historia de la Diócesis de Sigüenza y sus Obispos, 1 (Madrid: Revista de Archivos Bibliotecas y Museos, 1910), 358, 359, 362, and 378; José Manuel Garrido Garrido, Documentación de la Catedral de Burgos (804–1183) 13 (Burgos: Ediciones J.M. Garrido Garrido, 1983), 208.
- 79.
Minguella y Arnedo, Historia, 401–16 and notes 55–56; Reglero de la Fuente, “El obispado de Osma,” 191–96.
- 80.
Bernard Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla Under King Alfonso VII, 1126–1157 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 11–12.
- 81.
Susana Calvo, “El arte de los reinos taifas: tradición y ruptura,” Anales de Historia del Arte Vol. Extra (2): Alfonso VI y el arte de su época (2011): 69–92; “La capilla de Belén del Convento de Santa Fe de Toledo: ¿un oratorio islámico?” Madrider Mitteilungen 43 (2002): 353–75. Ibn Bassam complained of the destruction of the palaces by Alfonso, and their use as a “toy for barbarians for contamination,” and as a stable for horses (quoted in Clara Delgado Valero, Toledo Islámico. Ciudad, arte e historia [Toledo: Caja de Ahorro de Toledo, 1987], 251). The palaces were, however, extensive, and sections survived to be donated to religious and military organizations in the mid-twelfth and thirteenth centuries. I am endebted to Víctor Rabasco García for acquainting me with this source.
- 82.
Fabiola Monzón Moya and Concepción Martín Morales, “El antiguo convento de Santa Fe de Toledo,” Bienes culturales: revista del Instituto del Patrimonio Histórico Español 6 (2006): 53–76; Fabiola Monzón Moya, “El antiguo convento de Santa Fe: la desmembración del aula regula islámica y su transformación en un cenobio cristiano,” in La ciudad medieval: de la casa principal al palacio urbano (Toledo: Consejería de Educación, Ciencia y Cultura, 2011), 241–76.
- 83.
Guardia, San Baudelio de Berlanga, 433. Guardia limits the intervention at Osma to the Christological cycle.
- 84.
David Jacoby, “The Production and Diffusion of Andalusi Silk and Silk Textiles, Mid-Eighth to Mid-Thirteenth Centuries,” in The Chasuble of Thomas Becket, 145 discusses tiraz workers employed in León.
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Dodds, J.D. (2021). Martial and Spiritual at San Baudelio de Berlanga. In: Davis-Secord, S., Vicens, B., Vose, R. (eds) Interfaith Relationships and Perceptions of the Other in the Medieval Mediterranean. Mediterranean Perspectives. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83997-0_4
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